ISSN 0439-755X
CN 11-1911/B
主办:中国心理学会
   中国科学院心理研究所
出版:科学出版社

心理学报 ›› 2020, Vol. 52 ›› Issue (2): 113-127.doi: 10.3724/SP.J.1041.2020.00113

• 研究报告 •    下一篇

汉语复合词视觉识别的时间进程:基于同形语素的行为与ERP证据

吴建设1(), 常嘉宝1,2(), 邱寅晨3, Joseph Dien4   

  1. 1 北京第二外国语学院英语学院 北京 100024
    2 唐山市开滦第二中学, 河北 唐山 063100
    3 北京第二外国语学院欧洲学院, 北京 100024
    4 马里兰大学帕克分校, 美国马里兰州 20742
  • 收稿日期:2018-11-30 发布日期:2019-12-24 出版日期:2020-02-25
  • 通讯作者: 吴建设,常嘉宝 E-mail:wujianshe@bisu.edu.cn;changjiabao2016@163.com
  • 基金资助:
    * 北京市长城学者培养计划(PXM2017_014221_000070)

The temporal process of visual word recognition of Chinese compound: Behavioral and ERP evidences based on homographic morphemes

WU Jianshe1(), CHANG Jiabao1,2(), QIU Yinchen3, Joseph DIEN4   

  1. 1 English Dept., Beijing International Studies University, Beijing 100024, China
    2 Tangshan Kailuan No. 2 High School, Tangshan 063100
    3 French Dept., Beijing International Studies University, Beijing 100024, China
    4 Human Development and Quantitative Methodology Dept., University of Maryland, College Park, MD, U.S.A. 20742
  • Received:2018-11-30 Online:2019-12-24 Published:2020-02-25
  • Contact: WU Jianshe,CHANG Jiabao E-mail:wujianshe@bisu.edu.cn;changjiabao2016@163.com

摘要:

基于同形语素抑制效应, 本研究探讨了汉语复合词视觉识别中的形音义激活进程。结果发现:(1) 同形异音、同形同音、相同条件相对于控制条件都产生了语素启动效应; (2) 在P2、晚期N400成分上, 同形同音条件与控制条件更为接近, 但与同形异音及相同条件差别显著; (3) 在早期N400成分上, 同形同音条件与相同条件更为接近, 但与同形异音条件差别显著。研究表明, 汉语复合词的视觉识别的早期阶段可能为基于词位的形态-正字法加工, 字形匹配与音位信息是首要影响因素, 但语义是否介入仍未可知; 而晚期阶段则可能为基于词条的形态-语义加工, 主要涉及语义竞争与选择。本研究结果支持了McClelland等学者提出的“平行分布加工模型”。

关键词: 复合词, 同形语素, 早期N400, 晚期N400

Abstract:

It is notoriously difficult to dissociate the processes of orthography, phonology, and semantics in visual word recognition. Using homographic morphemes in Chinese homographs, the present study attempts to further examine the time course of orthographic, phonological and semantic activation in a masked priming paradigm.

Two-character compounds of Chinese were divided into such four conditions: Heterophonic-homography (“+O-P-S”, e.g., “作坊” / zuo1 fang / workshop), Homophonic-homography (“+O+P-S”, e.g., “作息” / zuo4 xi1 / work-and-rest), Identity (“+O+P+S”, e.g., “作诗” zuo4 shi1 / poetry-composing) and the control (“-O-P-S”, e.g., “账本” / zhang4 ben3 / account-book). Each of them served as a prime with both forward and backward masks and an SOA of 47ms, and was followed by the same target compound (e.g., “作画 / zuo4 hua4 / painting”) with its initial character being the same as those of the first three conditions. Two experiments were conducted, adopting a lexical decision task for Experiment 1 (behavioral) and a semantic categorization task for Experiment 2 (ERP) respectively.

It was found that (1) the Heterophonic-homography, Homophonic-homography, and Identity conditions all induced morphological priming effects relative to the control condition; (2) in P200 (120~220 ms) and Late N400 (430~540 ms), the amplitude and waveform of Homophonic-homography was much more similar to that of the control condition, but was significantly different from those of the Heterophonic-homography and Identity conditions; (3) in Early-N400 (280~400 ms), the amplitude and waveform of Homophonic-homography was closer to that of the Identity condition, but was significantly different from that of Heterophonic-homography.

The result indicates that the early stage of visual word recognition might be related to morpho-orthographic processing based on lexeme, in which orthographic similarity and phonological information may play an important role; however, the late stage of visual word recognition might be concerned with morpho-semantic processing based on lemma, which may involve meaning selection and lemma competition. The above findings tend to support Parallel Distributed Processing Model as advocated by McClelland and his associates.

Key words: Chinese compound, homographic morpheme, Early-N400, Late-N400

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