1 引言
刻板印象根据效价的不同, 可分为消极刻板印象和积极刻板印象。由于消极刻板印象会对个体的身心健康造成诸多不良影响, 尤其体现在其引发的刻板印象威胁(stereotype threat)上(Spencer et al., 2016; Steele & Aronson, 1995), 因此引得众多研究者予以探讨。研究发现, 消极种族刻板印象会导致黑人在认知测试上的表现显著低于白人(Massey & Owens, 2014; Steele & Aronson, 1995); 消极性别刻板印象会导致女性在理科领域上的学业表现显著低于男性, 而男性在人文社科领域上的学业表现显著低于女性(王祯, 2021; Spencer et al., 1999), 更有甚者会引发女性对理科领域和男性对文科领域的自我否定, 最终影响其未来的职业选择和职业表现(Casad & Bryant, 2016; Casad et al., 2019; Hall et al., 2015); 消极老年刻板印象会使老年人的认知功能(如记忆表现下降)和生理反应(如血压上升)受损(潘文静 等, 2018; Levy, Ferrucci, et al., 2016; Molden & Maxfiled, 2016; Pikhartova et al., 2016; Robertson et al., 2016)。相比于对消极刻板印象的大量探讨, 研究者对积极刻板印象的考察却屈指可数。
积极刻板印象(positive stereotypes), 即个体对社会群体成员在主观上持有的有利信念, 这种信念会基于不同类别的成员, 直接赋予或间接暗含其在某一特定领域具有优势性、有利性和优越性(Czopp et al., 2015)。换句话说, 积极刻板印象是对社会群体的积极特质的描述(Siy & Cheryan, 2016)。激活个体的积极刻板印象, 能为其带来诸多积极影响。比如Shih等人(2015)基于人们普遍持有的“亚洲人具有较强的数学运算能力”这一积极刻板印象和“女性具有较差的数学运算能力”这一消极刻板印象, 以亚裔美国女性为被试, 分别通过内隐和外显两种方式启动被试的性别身份、种族身份和无身份启动, 随后让其完成数学测试。结果发现, 内隐启动种族身份组的数学成绩显著高于无刻板印象启动组。这表明通过启动亚裔美国人的种族身份, 能激活与其相联的在数学领域上的积极刻板印象, 进而产生积极结果。既然如此, 是否就意味着积极刻板印象定会引发积极影响?Czopp (2008)的研究对此表示质疑, 该研究发现相比于没有听到白人称赞自己是“天生的优秀运动员”的非裔美国人, 听到该称赞的非裔美国人会认为自己遭到了白人较多的偏见和较少的喜爱。也就是说, 虽然表达积极刻板印象是为了承认目标个体的成功, 但接收这种积极刻板印象的目标个体可能并不会将其视作一种对自我的恭维(Siy & Cheryan, 2013)。
2 积极刻板印象的积极影响
积极刻板印象的积极影响主要通过刻板印象促进(stereotype boost)表现出来, 刻板印象促进即个体的积极刻板印象被激活后, 行为表现得以提高的一种现象(王祯, 杨丽娴, 2018)。当前, 对积极刻板印象的积极影响的探究主要集中在种族、性别和年龄三个方面。
2.1 积极种族刻板印象的积极影响
积极种族刻板印象的积极影响主要以Shih等人的研究为代表, 通过启动亚裔美国女性的亚洲身份来激活相应的积极种族刻板印象, 结果发现种族身份启动组的数学表现显著优于无身份启动组(Shih et al., 1999; Shih et al., 2002; Shih et al., 2012; Shih et al., 2015), 表现为刻板印象促进效应。由于Shih等人(1999)的实验样本量过小, 可能会影响到研究信度。因此, Gibson等人(2014)通过大样本进行了重复性实验, 结果也支持了该研究结论。不过, 这项重复性研究有两点值得注意：(1)研究者在剔除了不知道种族刻板印象和性别刻板印象的被试后, 才出现刻板印象促进效应。这表明, 持有刻板印象可能是刻板印象产生影响的前提。(2)实验结果并未发现数学认同具有调节作用, 这一结果不仅没有验证Shih等人(2012)的研究猜想, 也与近期的一项研究结果矛盾(Saad et al., 2015)。该研究为减少由中国人、日本人和韩国人等群体构成的亚裔可能带来的民族变异(interethnic variability), 只以华裔美国女性为被试, 考察了积极种族刻板印象的积极影响。结果发现, 相比于无刻板印象激活组, 积极种族刻板印象激活组中具有高数学认同的被试在数学测试上表现更好, 而低数学认同的被试在数学测试上表现更差。
之所以出现上述这样矛盾的结果, Saad等人(2015)认为可能与唤醒度有关。当实验任务具有学习性和练习性的特点时, 高认同的被试可能会认为自己具备足够的经验和能力去达到由积极刻板印象引发的高期望, 进而产生最佳水平的唤醒度使任务表现提高; 而当任务具有复杂性或困难性的特点时, 低认同的被试可能会认为自己的能力不足, 并被这种积极刻板印象所威胁, 进而使唤醒度降低导致任务表现下降。这就意味着Gibson等人(2014)的研究可能是高认同被试的唤醒度还不够高, 而低认同被试的唤醒度还不够低, 才导致数学认同的调节作用无效。目前还未有研究对此有过实证探讨, 未来研究者可以将唤醒度作为一个全新的变量纳入实验。此外, 根据Saad等人(2015)的猜想, 可以发现实验任务的难易程度也可能是影响认同能否对刻板印象促进起到调节作用的因素。比如赵守良(2010)在考察积极性别刻板印象在不同的激活方式下, 任务难度和领域认同对男性数学成绩的影响时发现, 内隐激活积极性别刻板印象后, 对数学具有高、低领域认同的男性在困难的数学测试上存在显著差异, 而在简单的数学测试上无显著差异。虽然研究者证明了任务难度的调节作用, 但值得注意的是：(1)该研究并未发现积极刻板印象的促进作用; (2)该研究激活的是积极性别刻板印象, 而非积极种族刻板印象。这是否意味着任务难度的调节作用仅局限于积极刻板印象的非促进作用和积极性别刻板印象领域?此外, 文化差异是否也会对其造成影响?这都需要未来研究加以考察。
2.2 积极性别刻板印象的积极影响
亚裔美国女性的性别身份在数学领域上虽与消极刻板印象相联, 但在语言领域上却与积极刻板印象相联(人们普遍持认为女性的语言能力较强)。相反, 其种族身份在数学领域上虽与积极刻板印象相联, 但在语言领域上却与消极刻板印象相联(人们普遍认为亚洲人的语言能力较弱)。因此, Shih等人(2006)在启动了亚裔美国女性的性别身份、种族身份和无身份启动后, 让其完成语言能力测试。结果发现性别身份启动组的被试受积极性别刻板印象的影响, 在语言能力测试上的表现显著高于无身份启动组。这表明积极性别刻板印象能给目标个体带来积极影响。该研究结论也得到了国内研究的支持, 如赵守良(2010)对女性在积极性别刻板印象激活条件下语言测试表现的研究, 发现了无论是简单还是困难的语言测试, 对语言具有高领域认同的女性在积极性别刻板印象激活条件下的成绩都显著高于无积极性别刻板印象激活条件。
此外, 还有研究考察了在不同激活方式下, 积极性别刻板印象对男性数学成绩的影响及其内在机制。结果发现, 内隐激活积极性别刻板印象条件下被试的数学成绩显著高于外显激活条件, 而趋近动机在其中起着完全中介作用, 并且趋近动机还会通过认知灵活性进一步影响被试的表现(冯轲, 2017)。具体而言, 内隐激活积极性别刻板印象相比于外显激活能引发个体较弱的趋近动机, 进而提高个体的行为表现; 不仅如此, 这种较弱的趋近动机还会提高个体的认知灵活性, 进而对个体的行为表现产生积极影响。未来研究可以在其他积极刻板印象领域对趋近动机和认知灵活性的中介作用进行考察, 以验证该内在机制是否具有领域限制。
2.3 积极老年刻板印象的积极影响
积极老年刻板印象对老年人的积极影响, 主要以Levy等人的研究为代表, 先激活老年人的积极和消极老年刻板印象, 然后让其完成相应的认知测试或生理测量, 结果发现积极老年刻板印象启动组中老年人的认知表现和生理指标都显著优于消极老年刻板印象启动组(Levy, 1996, 2009; Levy et al., 2014; Levy, Slade, et al., 2012; Levy, Zonderman, et al., 2012)。其中, 认知方面, 主要表现为积极老年刻板印象能提高老年人的记忆表现。比如Hagood和Gruenewald (2018)发现虽然老年人的生产价值同自我价值一样对其晚年生活起着重要作用, 但人们常常忽略老年人的生产价值, 甚至对其持消极刻板印象。因此, 通过激活老年人有关生产贡献的积极刻板印象(强调老年人的生产性社会价值, 如充当自愿者)和消极刻板印象(强调老年人对社会的负担, 如占用政府津贴), 考察了其对老年人记忆测试的影响。结果发现, 积极老年刻板印象启动组的记忆成绩显著高于消极老年刻板印象启动组。更有甚者, 研究发现这种积极老年刻板印象对认知能力的积极影响除了能发生在标准化的实验测试中, 生活化的测试也证明了积极老年刻板印象的积极效应(Bock & Akpinar, 2016)。生理方面, 主要表现为积极老年刻板印象会降低老年人的压力水平。比如由于个体晚年生活的累积性压力(cumulative stress)会对其身心健康带来严重的不良影响, 因此一直是研究者关注的重点; 而皮质醇作为压力的主要生物指标, 水平过高则意味着个体的压力过大。基于此, Levy和Moffat等人(2016)通过老年人近30年的纵向研究数据(1789份皮质醇), 探讨了积极老年刻板印象的影响。结果发现对于50岁及以上的老年人, 持有更消极的老年刻板印象组的皮质醇水平增加了44%, 而持有更积极的老年刻板印象组的皮质醇水平在过去30年中相对稳定。这表明积极老年刻板印象对老年人具有压力缓冲作用。
此外, 还有很多研究也都支持了积极老年刻板印象的积极影响, 比如影响老年人的社会功能, 使其在老年生活拥有更多的新朋友(Menkin et al., 2017); 改善老年人对社会支持的感知, 使其对家人的支持满意度更高(Cheng, 2020); 正向预测对个人心理健康的积极评价(Ramírez & Palacios- Espinosa, 2016)。更有甚者, 与老年刻板印象密切相关的退休刻板印象(retirement stereotypes)也支持了积极刻板印象的积极作用：能使持积极刻板印象的老年人的寿命比持消极刻板印象的老年人的寿命更长。具体而言, 对退休中生理健康持积极刻板印象的老年人能多4.5年的寿命, 而对退休中心理健康持积极刻板印象的老年人能多2.5年的寿命(Ng et al., 2016)。
总的来说, 积极刻板印象无论是在种族领域、性别领域, 还是在年龄领域, 都表现出了对个体心理和行为的积极效应。不仅如此, 研究还发现这种积极效应的“力量”尤为强大, 即使启动了个体所属内群体的消极刻板印象, 该个体也具有较强的动机在有选择的情况下, 逃离消极刻板印象群体, 加入积极刻板印象群体。比如Martiny等人(2015)基于人们普遍持有的“女性运动能力较差”这一消极性别刻板印象和“运动员运动能力较强”这一积极运动刻板印象, 选取了足球女性运动员为被试, 将其随机分到单一身份启动组(启动女性身份)或双重身份启动组(启动女性身份和运动员身份), 然后让其完成运球任务。结果发现, 相比于单一身份启动组(消极刻板印象), 双重身份启动组(既有消极刻板印象, 又有积极刻板印象)中被试的运动成绩更好。这表明, 即使存在消极刻板印象的影响, 只要在此基础上再激活某个积极刻板印象, 也能使个体通过积极刻板印象来抵抗消极刻板印象的不良影响, 进而表现出积极效应。未来研究可以利用积极刻板印象这一特点, 干预消极刻板印象的消极影响, 进而起到优化效应。
3 积极刻板印象的消极影响
当下的社会准则强调并鼓励在个人和组织层面体现包容性、多样性和多元文化主义, 因此人们存在强烈的动机对传统上属于边缘的社会群体(如黑人)持有可能具有刻板的积极言论。虽然积极刻板印象具有赞许之意, 但研究发现这也可能对目标群体成员带来诸多不良影响, 尤其体现在阻碍目标个体在刻板印象领域的行为表现和增加其对陈述积极刻板印象者的消极评价等方面(Cheryan & Bodenhausen, 2000; Czopp et al., 2015; Kay et al., 2013; Siy & Cheryan, 2013, 2016)。其中, 压力窒息效应假说(choking under pressure hypothesis)主要用于解释目标个体的行为表现受损。该假说认为“尽管个人奋斗和情境要求个体要表现卓越”, 但当其实际表现不尽人意时, 压力窒息便发生了(Baumeister, 1984); 压力主要源于评估对象、奖励、惩罚、竞争以及被个体视为与自我有关的表现领域(Baumeister & Showers, 1986)。因此, 当个体意识到他人(评估对象)因其所属群体的积极刻板印象而对自己的行为表现存在较高期望时, 个体的表现压力可能会增加, 进而产生“窒息”并表现糟糕(Smith & Johnson, 2006; Tagler, 2012)。
社会认知的补偿效应(compensation effect)和影射效应(innuendo effect)主要用于解释目标个体对陈述积极刻板印象者的消极评价。根据刻板印象内容模型(stereotype content model), 社会目标(个体和群体)的感知和判断存在两个基本的内容维度(Abele & Wojciszke, 2013), 一个是代表诸如好脾气、道德、值得信任、关怀和社交等特质的热情维度, 另一个是代表诸如智力、能力、地位、信心、抱负和权力等特质的能力维度(Fiske et al., 2007; Fiske et al., 2002)。当这两个维度呈负相关时, 会导致补偿刻板印象(Fiske et al., 2007)。比如当某群体被刻板地认为具有高能力时, 也可能被认为是冷酷和不道德的(低热情); 而当某群体被刻板地认为具有高热情时, 也可能被认为是无能和依赖的(低能力)。影射效应的研究发现, 当个体接触对社会目标积极特质的描述(如某个体具有高热情)时, 可能会认为这些描述也同时暗含了补偿的消极信息(如该个体也具有低能力) (Kervyn et al., 2012)。因此, 通过提示补偿性积极刻板印象能激活消极刻板印象(Fiske et al., 2015), 进而对个体的心理和行为产生消极影响。
3.1 积极种族刻板印象的消极影响
种族刻板印象一直是研究者探讨的重点, 美国“弗洛伊德事件”和“黑命贵运动”可以显见, 直至今日对有色人种的消极态度并未完全消失, 可能是以更为微妙和间接的形式传递着。根据种族微歧视理论(Theory of racial microaggressions), 种族歧视常见于有意或无意的日常言语、行为和环境中, 由于歧视者将其构造成积极或善意的言论, 使得这些歧视言论容易被公正化或合理化(Tran et al., 2016)。而积极刻板印象即是种族微歧视的一个例子, 虽然表面上具有赞许之意, 但由于其是基于群体的特征来过度概括个体, 因此容易使目标个体感到去人性化, 进而对陈述积极刻板印象者持消极态度。Tran和Lee (2014)在考察积极种族刻板印象对亚裔美国人的影响时, 先让被试与同伴一起回答一些问题, 然后将被试随机分为三个信息组, 第一组是同伴对被试说“很高兴与你交谈, 你的英语说得真好” (低种族负荷组), 第二组是同伴对被试说“很高兴与你交谈, 对于亚洲人来说, 你的英文说得真好” (高种族负荷组), 第三组是同伴对被试说“很高兴与你交谈” (控制组), 最后让被试对同伴进行评价。结果显示, 相比于低种族负荷组, 高种族负荷组中被试对其互动同伴的评价更为消极, 且认为同伴对自己缺乏准确的认识。此外, 高种族负荷条件中被试表现出更少的意愿去继续与其互动伙伴交流。这表明, 积极种族刻板印象并不一定产生积极效应, 甚至可能对群际关系造成负面影响。
此外, 在亚裔美国人中存在“模范少数的神话” (model minority myth), 即人们对亚裔美国人这样的“模范少数”群体存在积极刻板印象, 认为如中国和日本的文化能克服种族逆境, 通过坚持努力工作与家庭联系价值来取得学业和工作上的成功。研究者考察了这种“模范少数的神话”积极刻板印象对亚裔美国人心理和行为的影响, 结果发现被试对积极刻板印象的认可度越高, 其心理应激水平越高, 对求助的态度越消极(Gupta et al., 2011)。
3.2 积极性别刻板印象的消极影响
Shih等人对积极刻板印象的探究, 无疑将积极刻板印象的积极影响推向了一个制高点(Shih et al., 1999; Shih et al., 2012; Shih et al., 2015)。但随后也有一系列基于压力窒息效应假说的研究, 提出积极刻板印象也可能导致消极影响(Cheryan & Bodenhausen, 2000; Smith & Johnson, 2006; Tagler, 2012)。Cheryan和Bodenhausen (2000)在研究中通过让积极刻板印象的操作更公众化(即让被试感到他人对其持有较高期望), 发现积极刻板印象不但没有提高被试的数学表现, 反而使其数学表现降低了。这与压力窒息效应的假说一致, 当外群体期望目标个体在积极刻板印象任务中具有良好表现时, 目标个体可能会担心自己是否能满足这样的高期望, 进而使其在积极刻板印象领域中的任务表现受损。这种压力窒息效应不仅体现在单一积极刻板印象造成的压力上, 当多种积极刻板印象同时呈现时, 目标个体为印证多重积极刻板印象引发的期望, 感到的压力会更大, 更易出现窒息效应, 导致行为表现受损。Rosenthal和Crisp (2007)考察了单一积极刻板印象(性别身份启动)和双重积极刻板印象(性别和学校身份启动)对数学和非数学专业男性(即数学认同和数学否定认同)的数学成绩的影响, 结果发现相比于单一积极刻板印象激活组中数学认同被试的数学成绩, 双重积极刻板印象激活组中数学认同被试的数学成绩显著降低。此外, 国内研究也发现了相比于无积极刻板印象启动组, 双重积极刻板印象启动组中对数学具有高领域认同的被试的数学成绩显著降低(许文慧, 2018)。不同的是, 该研究发现单一积极刻板印象启动组中被试的数学成绩相比于无积极刻板印象启动组存在不显著的降低。这进一步表明, 积极刻板印象需要到达一定的程度, 才会引发压力窒息效应。
积极性别刻板印象的消极影响不仅体现在个体的行为表现上, 还包括其对刻板印象领域的评价。比如最近的一项研究(Kahalon et al., 2020)在考察积极性别刻板印象对女性和男性的影响时发现, 积极刻板印象组(呈现女性具有共享性特征(communality), 如助人、真诚等)中女性的数学表现显著低于无刻板印象组; 此外, 积极刻板印象中女性相比于无刻板印象组, 感受到了更高的刻板印象威胁。而对于男性, 结果发现积极刻板印象组(呈现男性自立性特征(agency), 如能力、高效等)中男性的情绪再认表现显著低于无刻板印象组。值得注意的是, 研究者也有激活女性美貌特征(如吸引)的积极刻板印象, 却并未发现女性的数学成绩降低。究其原因, 可能是因为共享性和自立性属于补偿性积极刻板印象, 激活女性的共享性刻板印象, 也会激活女性的消极刻板印象, 让女性感到自己的自立性较低, 不能较好地完成数学测试(Fiske et al., 2015); 而美貌与自立性并不具有补偿性, 即使激活女性的美貌积极刻板印象, 也不会激活其自立性较低的消极刻板印象。此外, 以往研究考察的是积极性别刻板印象(男性的数理能力较强)下刻板印象一致领域(数学测试)的变化(Cheryan & Bodenhausen, 2000; Rosenthal & Crisp, 2007), 而Kahalon等人(2020)考察的却是积极性别刻板印象(女性具有较高的共享性或男性具有较高的自立性)下刻板印象非一致领域(数学测试或情绪测试)的变化。这表明, 积极性别刻板印象不仅会消极影响到目标个体在刻板印象一致领域的行为表现, 还可能消极影响到其在刻板印象非一致领域的表现。
3.3 积极老年刻板印象的消极影响
研究者对老年刻板印象的研究多关注其对老年人心理和生理健康的积极影响(Cheng, 2020; Hagood & Gruenewald, 2018; Levy, Moffat, et al., 2016; Menkin et al., 2017), 但Fung等人(2015)的研究证明了这样的积极刻板印象也会给老年人带来消极影响。通过给被试呈现不同效价的老龄化描绘刺激(消极、中性、积极和极端积极), 然后分别在3个实验中收集其眼动指标(实验1)、生理指标(实验2)和认知指标(实验3)。结果发现对于老年被试而言, (1)老龄化的积极描绘与较少的个人老龄化的消极感知存在联系, 而老龄化的极端积极描绘不存在该联系; (2)老龄化的积极描绘能对被试的心血管反应产生镇静作用, 而老龄化的极端积极描绘并不会产生类似的积极作用; (3)老龄化的积极描绘使被试的记忆表现显著提高, 而老龄化的极端积极描绘使被试的记忆表现显著降低。和上述有关积极刻板印象的消极影响的研究不同, Fung等人(2015)的研究虽然也证明了积极老年刻板印象会给老年人的身心健康带来消极影响, 但这样的消极效应只反映在极端的积极老年刻板印象中, 而积极老年刻板印象却产生了积极效应。这可能是因为相比于积极老年刻板印象, 极端积极老年刻板印象让被试感到不真实, 进而产生反噬效果。值得注意的是, Rosenthal和Crisp (2007)的研究发现相比于单一积极性别刻板印象, 双重积极性别刻板印象可能会使目标个体感到压力窒息, 从而使行为表现受损。同样是改变积极刻板印象的程度, 前者认为积极刻板印象的消极影响的内在机制是不真实感, 而后者确认为是压力窒息效应。究竟是因为积极刻板印象的领域不同(老年刻板印象和性别刻板印象)?还是积极刻板印象的呈现方式不同(呈现单一积极刻板印象和呈现双重积极刻板印象)?亦或是不真实感与压力窒息效应本就存在联系?这都亟待未来研究予以探讨, 以促使更好地理解积极刻板印象引发消极影响的内在机制。
除了在种族、性别和年龄领域发现了积极刻板印象的消极影响, 新近研究者还在其他领域也证明了该现象的存在。在医务领域, 研究者发现对医生(人们普遍认为医生有能力)、护士(人们普遍认为护士具备关怀性)和药剂师(人们普遍认为药剂师对药物最为博学)的积极刻板印象会消极影响到医护人员在工作中的协作性(Darmayani et al., 2020); 在性取向领域, Hettinger和Vandello (2014)虽然没有直接考察积极性取向刻板印象对同性恋者的影响, 但探讨了人们普遍持有的“同性恋者较为富裕”这一积极刻板印象对同性恋者权利的影响, 结果发现认为同性恋者更为富裕的被试会减少对同性恋者合法权利的支持。总体来看, 积极刻板印象虽然表面具有善意, 但在特定条件下同消极刻板印象类似, 依旧会引发消极影响。
4 积极刻板印象产生消极结果的条件
积极刻板印象既能产生积极影响, 又能导致消极结果。究其原因, 可能受以下几个调节变量的影响。
(1)积极刻板印象的激活方式：微妙激活还是明显激活。微妙激活(subtle activation), 也即内隐激活(implicit activation); 明显激活(blatant activation), 也即外显激活(explicit activation)。研究发现, 明显激活积极刻板印象可能会引发高期望, 令目标个体感到压力, 表现为压力窒息效应; 也可能令目标个体认为自己被不合理地强加了某个群体身份, 使其产生去人性化的感觉, 最终引发消极结果(Cheryan & Bodenhausen, 2000; Siy & Cheryan, 2013)。相反, 微妙激活积极刻板印象则可能给个体一种自信和希望感, 表现为刻板印象促进效应, 最终产生积极结果(Saad et al., 2015; Shih et al., 2015)。但近期一项对积极刻板印象的元分析却发现内隐和外显激活积极刻板印象都能提高个体的测试表现, 只是内隐激活条件下这种提升效应更大(冯轲, 2017)。究其原因, 可能是不同的研究者在实验过程中对自我关联、目标个体、领域认同和任务难度等影响因素的操作和控制存在差异(赵守良, 2010)。因此, 未来研究需要对此进一步予以控制以考察激活方式的影响。
(2)积极刻板印象的准确与否：准确表述还是极端表述。刻板印象虽然不完全准确, 但它对指导人们的社会经验具有重要作用, 尤其是当个体进入一个复杂且涉及语言、场所、种族和人群等多变的环境时, 该作用尤为明显(McFarlane, 2014)。这就意味着积极刻板印象的准确性可能是影响其结果效价的因素。Rosenthal和Crisp (2007)微妙激活积极性别刻板印象后, 发现单一积极刻板印象产生积极影响, 而双重积极刻板印象产生消极影响。相比之下, 同样是微妙激活性别刻板印象, Shih等人(2015)却发现了刻板印象促进效应。究其原因, 可能是受到积极刻板印象表述的准确性的影响。相比于单一积极刻板印象, 双重积极刻板印象可能让被试感觉刻板印象过于极端, 与自己所持有的传统的、准确的刻板印象不一致, 进而导致非真实感而引发抵触效应。这一猜想得到了Fung等人(2015)的研究支持, 该研究发现相比于一般积极老年刻板印象, 极端积极老年刻板印象会给老年人在生理和心理层面都带来不良影响。如前所述, 考虑到该研究与Rosenthal和Crisp (2007)的研究在探讨领域和实验设计上并非完全对等, 因此积极刻板印象的准确与否这一因素是否起调节作用还需要未来研究进一步验证, 尤其是需要考察积极刻板印象在微妙激活和明显激活中是否存在最佳的准确表述。
(3)积极刻板印象的阐述者：内群体成员还是外群体成员。相比于内群体成员来阐述积极刻板印象或不呈现积极刻板印象的阐述对象, 由外群体成员来对其进行阐述时, 可能会产生消极影响(Siy & Cheryan, 2013; Son & Shelton, 2011)。这可能是因为外群体的阐述会比内群体的阐述, 更能令目标个体感到偏见(Czopp et al., 2015)。比如Siy和Cheryan (2016)的研究发现, 相比于无刻板印象言论组, 当女性听到男性陈述有关女性积极刻板印象的言论(如女性具有养育性和温柔特质), 更可能认为该男性对其持有消极刻板印象(如认为女性大惊小怪), 也会认为该男性更可能是性别歧视者。值得注意的是, 虽然该研究提到了外群体成员阐述积极刻板印象可能会导致消极效应, 但研究者并没有在实验中纳入积极刻板印象的女性陈述者。因此, 未来可以将积极刻板印象阐述者的性别作为自变量纳入探讨范围, 以检验其是否真的存在调节作用。
(4)呈现积极刻板印象的文化背景：个体主义文化还是集体主义文化。研究发现, 面对积极刻板印象言论, 相比于集体主义文化中的个体, 个人主义文化中的个体报告个性被侵犯后受到的威胁更大。这可能是因为积极刻板印象意味着他人对目标个体的评价仅仅是基于其群体身份, 而非其个人的特征和属性; 个人主义文化强调的是“人生而不同”, 集体主义文化则宣称“人与人之间存在基本联结”。因此, 相比于集体主义文化, 积极刻板印象与定义自我为独特的、不同的个人主义文化更加不符, 进而会对个人主义文化中的个体构成威胁(Siy & Cheryan, 2013)。
5 问题与展望
相比于消极刻板印象, 积极刻板印象通常被认为是无害的、夸赞的和无伤大雅的, 因此一直较为低调, 不被人们注意。但新近研究发现, 积极刻板印象不仅存在积极影响, 还会产生诸多消极影响。由于当前对积极刻板印象的探讨不多、时间较短以及深度不足, 导致该领域的研究还存在诸多问题亟待解决, 未来研究可以从以下几个方面对其进一步探究。
5.1 考察集体主义文化背景下积极刻板印象的影响
当前有关积极刻板印象的影响的研究主要集中在西方国家, 这就预设了积极刻板印象的相关结果多建立在个人主义文化背景下。个人主义文化倾向于将个人看作是一个独立体, 与群体里的他人相互分离, 而刻板印象是基于个体所属群体的特征和属性对个体的信念(Gupta et al., 2011)。因此, 积极刻板印象可能对个人主义文化中的个体在“自我独特性”方面构成威胁, 进而引发消极影响。Siy和Cheryan (2013)以亚裔美国人为被试, 发现积极刻板印象目标对积极刻板印象陈述者作出了更多的消极反应, 去人性化在其中起着中介作用。这进一步说明了积极刻板印象会令目标个体感到去人性化, 进而对相应的心理行为造成负面影响。值得注意的是, 该研究虽然也考虑到了集体主义文化的影响, 并以亚洲出生的亚裔美国人为被试证明了上述结论, 但相比于亚洲本土化人群, 其受集体主义文化的影响可能较小。相比于个人主义文化, 集体主义文化倾向于个人与他人之间存在相似性和联系性, 这与积极刻板印象基于群体的概括性相符。既然如此, 若以在集体文化中土生土长的个体为被试进行实验, 积极刻板印象是否仍会引发消极影响呢?中国作为集体主义文化的代表, 强调万事万物都存在联系, 太极生两仪, 两仪生四象, 四象生八卦, 八卦生万物。虽然国内已有研究考察过积极刻板印象的效应、影响因素和内在机制等(冯轲, 2017; 许文慧, 2018; 赵守良, 2010), 但多集中在积极刻板印象的积极影响和性别刻板印象领域。因此, 未来研究可以在中国文化背景下, 进一步考察积极刻板印象在种族、年龄和性取向等不同刻板印象领域上的积极和消极影响。
5.2 拓宽积极刻板印象影响研究的领域和对象
对积极刻板印象的影响的拓展可以分为横向上的领域拓宽和纵向上的对象延伸。其中, 领域拓宽主要是指当前对积极刻板印象的探讨鲜少, 且多集中在性别、种族和老年刻板印象这三个领域; 而根据消极刻板印象的众多研究, 未来应努力将积极刻板印象的影响拓展到其他领域。以积极性取向刻板印象为例, 人们通常会刻板地认为男同性恋者比男异性恋者具有更少的男性气质和更多女性气质(Kite & Whitley, 1996), 而这可能会影响到其未来的工作。研究发现, 在职场中男同性恋求职者比男异性恋求职者更可能成功应聘到具有女性气质的工作; 而男异性恋求职者比男同性恋求职者更可能成功应聘上具有男性气质的工作(Steffens et al., 2019)。根据刻板印象内容模型, 男同性恋者通常被刻板地认为比男异性恋者有更高的共享性和更低的自立性(Clausell & Fiske, 2005)。既然如此, 根据积极性别刻板印象对男性和女性的消极影响(Kahalon et al., 2020), 当激活男同性恋者具有共享性的积极刻板印象, 是否会减少其进入自立性主导的工作的可能?而当激活男异性恋者具有自立性的积极刻板印象, 是否会减少其进入共享性主导的工作的可能?未来研究可以就此予以深入探讨。此外, 人们普遍持有“文科生比理科生更擅长文科”和“理科生比文科生更擅长理科”这样的专业刻板印象(Moè et al., 2020)。根据Rosenthal和Crisp (2007)对双重积极刻板印象的研究, 文科女性存在明显的文科生身份和女性身份, 当激活与这双重身份相联的积极刻板印象, 是否会令其在语文和英文等文科测试上表现下降?而理科男性存在明显的理科生身份和男性身份, 当激活与这双重身份相联的积极刻板印象, 是否会令其在数学和物理等理科领测试上表现下降?这亟需未来研究予以探讨。
5.3 探索积极刻板印象引发消极影响的干预方法
虽然当前有众多干预消极刻板印象的消极影响的方法(Spencer et al., 2016), 但还没有直接探讨干预积极刻板印象的消极影响的方法。而积极刻板印象极具称赞的性质, 使其消极影响比消极刻板印象的消极影响更为“微妙”。因此, 对其干预方式也需“小心翼翼”, 不可直接对抗积极刻板印象(Alt et al., 2019)。比如Czopp等人(2015)认为不鼓励目标个体采用积极刻板印象的行为方式, 而鼓励更具建设性意义的社会互动。也就是说, 增加对积极刻板印象的普识, 并且鼓励人们感知和承认社会群体的变异性(如特质、外表和结果等方面), 同时也要认识到积极刻板印象在人际上和系统上的局限性。此外, 鉴于选择是一种个体表达个性的方式, 这就意味着具有选择性的、社会赋予的群体身份(比如专业、财富)可能比根植于生物属性的群体身份(如性别、种族)更能引发积极刻板印象的积极影响(Siy & Cheryan, 2013)。Siy和Cheryan (2016)发现, 当白人公然拒绝对亚裔美国人的消极刻板印象时, 亚裔美国人会认为对其群体持积极刻板印象的白人具有较少的偏见; 而对于没有公然反对消极刻板印象的白人, 亚裔美国人则会认为白人对其群体存在较多的偏见。这是否就意味着陈述积极刻板印象的人如果事前声称自己不存在消极刻板印象, 则可在人际互动中避免目标个体对自己的消极评价, 减少由积极刻板印象引发的消极结果?未来研究可以去验证以上方面是否具备干预性, 同时积极探索新的干预措施。
5.4 考察消极刻板印象是否存在积极影响
既然积极刻板印象存在积极和消极两种影响, 那消极刻板印象是否也存在积极影响呢?范依婷等人(2019)在考察刻板印象威胁对城市出生的留守儿童的认知表现时发现, 威胁组的认知表现显著高于无威胁组, 这显然与常见的消极刻板印象导致消极影响的结果相矛盾。根据刻板印象威胁整合模型(Schmader et al., 2008), 留守儿童作为弱势群体(相比于非留守儿童), 理应在受到刻板印象威胁的影响后, 在认知测试中表现下降。之所以会产生这样积极结果, 可能是因为受刻板印象威胁的个体有更高的心理唤醒水平, 在任务中会付出更多的努力来使自己的表现更好(范依婷 等, 2019)。不仅是学业领域, 研究者在运动领域也发现了消极刻板印象的积极效应。Deshayes等人(2019)通过自步骑行训练(self-paced cycling exercise)发现, 在面对消极性别刻板印象时(人们普遍认为女性的运动能力差于男性), 男性和女性的成绩都提高了。这可能是因为对某一群体的消极刻板印象会引发归属于该群体的个体的动机增加, 进而使个体想通过更好的行为表现去证明对其的消极刻板印象是错误的。这类研究似乎表明消极刻板印象确实存在积极效应, 但由于当前对此方向的探讨较少, 且内在机制如何, 能否具有跨文化一致性等都不得而知。因此, 需要未来研究可以通过重复性实验证明消极刻板印象是否存在积极效应, 在此基础上进一步考察该效应的持续时间、是否能推广到种族和年龄等其他刻板印象领域及其内在机制等。
6 小结
消极刻板印象对个体身心健康带来的消极影响, 常常让人避而远之; 与之相反, 积极刻板印象表现出的积极效应, 常常令人趋之若鹜。但新近的研究却发现积极刻板印象也存在消极影响, 这似乎与多数人的认知不符。基于此, 通过梳理积极刻板印象的积极影响和消极影响, 不仅是希望能在学理上予以填新, 助益日后研究在该领域中的深入探讨, 更希望让普通公众了解积极刻板印象的“暗黑”面可能带来的负面影响。正是因为这种微妙的社会心理比明显的心理(如消极性别刻板印象)更难以识别(Barreto & Ellmers, 2005), 才能“明目张胆”地延续着性别不平等或种族不平等。由此, 该领域也呼吁未来能有更多的研究关注积极刻板印象的探究, 了解其对个体、群体和整个社会的积极甚至消极影响, 以助力全方位了解、理解并合理应用刻板印象, 规避消极刻板印象, 建设性促进积极刻板印象。
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PMID:26361054
[本文引用: 2]
When members of a stigmatized group find themselves in a situation where negative stereotypes provide a possible framework for interpreting their behavior, the risk of being judged in light of those stereotypes can elicit a disruptive state that undermines performance and aspirations in that domain. This situational predicament, termed stereotype threat, continues to be an intensely debated and researched topic in educational, social, and organizational psychology. In this review, we explore the various sources of stereotype threat, the mechanisms underlying stereotype-threat effects (both mediators and moderators), and the consequences of this situational predicament, as well as the means through which society and stigmatized individuals can overcome the insidious effects of stereotype threat. Ultimately, we hope this review alleviates some of the confusion surrounding stereotype threat while also sparking further research and debate.
Stereotype threat and women’s math performance
DOI:10.1006/jesp.1998.1373 URL [本文引用: 1]
Stereotype threat and the intellectual test performance of African Americans
Stereotype threat is being at risk of confirming, as self-characteristic, a negative stereotype about one's group. Studies 1 and 2 varied the stereotype vulnerability of Black participants taking a difficult verbal test by varying whether or not their performance was ostensibly diagnostic of ability, and thus, whether or not they were at risk of fulfilling the racial stereotype about their intellectual ability. Reflecting the pressure of this vulnerability, Blacks underperformed in relation to Whites in the ability-diagnostic condition but not in the nondiagnostic condition (with Scholastic Aptitude Tests controlled). Study 3 validated that ability-diagnosticity cognitively activated the racial stereotype in these participants and motivated them not to conform to it, or to be judged by it. Study 4 showed that mere salience of the stereotype could impair Blacks' performance even when the test was not ability diagnostic. The role of stereotype vulnerability in the standardized test performance of ability-stigmatized groups is discussed.
Do positive and negative stereotypes of gay and heterosexual men affect job-related impressions
DOI:10.1007/s11199-018-0963-z
[本文引用: 1]
Traditional gender stereotypes encompass (typically masculine) agency, comprising task-related competence, and (typically feminine) communion or warmth. Both agency and communion are important for successful performance in many jobs. Stereotypes of gay men include the perception that they are less gender-typed than their heterosexual counterparts are (i.e., more gay-stereotypical and less masculine). Using a German sample, Experiment 1 (n=273) tested whether gay men at the same time appear higher in communion, but lower in agency than heterosexual men and whether a trade-off in hireability impressions results between both groups if jobs require both agency and communion. We measured participants' willingness to work together with applicants, in addition to hireability, as dependent variables, and we assessed as mediators perceived masculinity, how gay-stereotypical male targets were judged, as well as perceived communion and agency. Findings showed that gay men appeared more gay-stereotypical, less masculine, and more communal than heterosexual men, but no difference in agency was observed. The direct effects of sexual orientation on willingness to engage in work-related contact and on hireability were not significant. Instead, both positive and negative indirect effects of sexual orientation on hireability/contact were found. Experiment 2 (n=32) replicated the findings pertaining to agency, communion, and masculinity and demonstrated that a gay applicant appeared better suited for traditionally feminine jobs, whereas a heterosexual applicant appeared better suited for traditionally masculine jobs. We discuss who is discriminated under which conditions, based on gender-related stereotypes, when men's sexual orientation is revealed in work contexts.
Choking under the pressure of a positive stereotype: Gender identification and self-consciousness moderate men’s math test performance
DOI:10.1080/00224545.2011.615353 URL [本文引用: 2]
You speak English well! Asian Americans’ reactions to an exceptionalizing stereotype
DOI:10.1037/cou0000034 URL [本文引用: 1]
“What are you?” multiracial individuals’ responses to racial identification inquiries
DOI:10.1037/cdp0000031 URL [本文引用: 1]
