Consumers frequently encounter moral violations in everyday life. They watch movies and television shows about crime and deception, hear news reports of corporate fraud and tax evasion, and hear gossip about cheaters and thieves. How does exposure to moral violations influence consumption? Because moral violations arouse disgust and because disgust is an evolutionarily important signal of contamination that should provoke a multi-modal response, we hypothesize that moral violations affect a key behavioral response to disgust: reduced oral consumption. In three experiments, compared with those in control conditions, people drank less water and chocolate milk while (a) watching a film portraying the moral violations of incest, (b) writing about moral violations of cheating or theft, and (c) listening to a report about fraud and manipulation. These findings imply that "moral disgust" influences consumption in ways similar to core disgust, and thus provide evidence for the associations between moral violations, emotions, and consumer behavior. (C) 2013 Society for Consumer Psychology. Published by Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

Much like unpalatable foods, filthy restrooms, and bloody wounds, moral transgressions are often described as "disgusting." This linguistic similarity suggests that there is a link between moral disgust and more rudimentary forms of disgust associated with toxicity and disease. Critics have argued, however, that such references are purely metaphorical, or that moral disgust may be limited to transgressions that remind us of more basic disgust stimuli. Here we review the evidence that moral transgressions do genuinely evoke disgust, even when they do not reference physical disgust stimuli such as unusual sexual behaviors or the violation of purity norms. Moral transgressions presented verbally or visually and those presented as social transactions reliably elicit disgust, as assessed by implicit measures, explicit self-report, and facial behavior. Evoking physical disgust experimentally renders moral judgments more severe, and physical cleansing renders them more permissive or more stringent, depending on the object of the cleansing. Last, individual differences in the tendency to experience disgust toward physical stimuli are associated with variation in moral judgments and morally relevant sociopolitical attitudes. Taken together, these findings converge to support the conclusion that moral transgressions can in fact elicit disgust, suggesting that moral cognition may draw upon a primitive rejection response. We highlight a number of outstanding issues and conclude by describing 3 models of moral disgust, each of which aims to provide an account of the relationship between moral and physical disgust.

Although there is an emerging consensus that disgust plays a role in human morality, it remains unclear whether this role is limited to transgressions that contain elements of physical disgust (e. g., gory murders, sexual crimes), or whether disgust is also involved in "pure" forms of morality. To address this issue, we examined the relationship between individual differences in the tendency to experience disgust toward physical stimuli (i.e., trait physical disgust) and reactions to pure moral transgressions. Across two studies, individuals higher in trait physical disgust judged moral transgressions to be more wrong than did their low-disgust counterparts, and were also more likely to moralize violations of social convention. Controlling for gender, trait anxiety, trait anger, and social conservatism did not eliminate trait disgust effects. These results suggest that disgust's role in morality is not limited to issues of purity or bodily norms, and that disgust may play a role in setting the boundaries of the moral domain.

Individuals possess social identities that contain unique, identity-relevant attitudes, behaviors, and beliefs providing "what-to-do" information when enacting that identity. We suggest that social identities are also associated with specific discrete emotion profiles providing "what-to-feel" information during identity enactment. We show that consumers prefer emotional stimuli consistent with their salient social identity, make product choices and emotion regulating consumption decisions to enhance (reduce) their experience of identity-consistent (inconsistent) emotions, and that experiencing identity-consistent emotions aids in the performance of identity-relevant tasks.

Does compassion feel pleasant or unpleasant? Westerners tend to categorize compassion as a pleasant or positive emotion, but laboratory compassion inductions, which present another's suffering, may elicit unpleasant feelings. Across two studies, we examined whether prototypical conceptualizations of compassion (as pleasant) differ from experiences of compassion (as unpleasant). After laboratory-based neutral or compassion inductions, participants made abstract judgments about compassion relative to various emotion-related adjectives, thereby providing a prototypical conceptualization of compassion. Participants also rated their own affective states, thereby indicating experiences of compassion. Conceptualizations of compassion were pleasant across neutral and compassion inductions. After exposure to others' suffering, however, participants felt increased levels of compassion and unpleasant affect, but not pleasant affect. After neutral inductions, participants reported more pleasant than unpleasant affect, with moderate levels of compassion. Thus, prototypical conceptualizations of compassion are pleasant, but experiences of compassion can feel pleasant or unpleasant. The implications for emotion theory in general are discussed.

This article builds on the theorizing of body work through introducing a new concept: 'maternal body work'. In so doing, it shows how progress towards a feminist politics of motherhood within organizations remains limited. Despite decades of feminist scholarship, dissonances remain between the private worlds of reproduction and public worlds of organization. With regard to this limited progress, the article reveals how, among a sample of 27 mothers (all professionally and managerially employed in the UK), 22 felt marginalized and undervalued at work, experiencing the borders between maternity and organization as unmalleable. By contrast, five women treated borders between reproduction and organization as more fluid than anticipated. Setting a high value on their skills, they developed strategies for parrying unfavourable revisions of their status. The article concludes by considering the potential development of resources for enhancing maternal coping strategies.

From outrage at corporations to excitement about innovations, marketplace sentiments are powerful forces in consumer culture that transform markets. This article develops a preliminary theory of marketplace sentiments. Defined as collectively shared emotional dispositions, sentiments can be grouped into three function-based categories: contempt for villains, concern for victims, and celebration of heroes. Marketplace actors such as activists, brands, and consumers have a variety of motives and methods for producing and reproducing sentiments. Activists plant, amplify, and hyper-perform sentiments to recruit consumers and discipline institutions. Brands carefully select, calibrate, and broadcast sentiments to entertain consumers and promote products. Consumers learn, experience, and communicate sentiments to commune and individuate in society. The emergent theory of marketplace sentiments (1) advances a sociocultural perspective on consumer emotion, (2) elevates the theoretical significance of emotional observations in cultural studies, (3) offers a sentiment-based understanding of the power of ideology, (4) indicates how activist sentiments can paradoxically benefit from brand co-optation, and (5) calls for human input in big data sentiment analysis. More broadly, the article proposes that cultures are systems of discourses, sentiments, and practices wherein discourses legitimize sentiments and practices, sentiments energize discourses and practices, and practices materialize discourses and sentiments.

A unique theoretical framework for explaining consumer word of mouth and protest behaviors against corporate irresponsibility is developed and tested. Through field surveys with adult consumers, this study demonstrates how consumers' negative moral emotional responses to corporate infractions instigate, in combination with other-regarding virtues, negative word of mouth and protest toward the corporation. Negative moral emotions include contempt, anger, and disgust; whereas other-regarding virtues entail justice, beneficence, equality, and communal cooperation. The results provide scholars and managers with means of improving their understanding and handling of consumers' reactions to corporate irresponsibility. (C) 2013 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

Feeling concern about the suffering of others is considered a basic human response, and yet we know surprisingly little about the cultural factors that shape how people respond to the suffering of another person. To this end, we conducted 4 studies that tested the hypothesis that American expressions of sympathy focus on the negative less and positive more than German expressions of sympathy, in part because Americans want to avoid negative states more than Germans do. In Study 1, we demonstrate that American sympathy cards contain less negative and more positive content than German sympathy cards. In Study 2, we show that European Americans want to avoid negative states more than Germans do. In Study 3, we demonstrate that these cultural differences in "avoided negative affect" mediate cultural differences in how comfortable Americans and Germans feel focusing on the negative (vs. positive) when expressing sympathy for the hypothetical death of an acquaintance's father. To examine whether greater avoided negative affect results in lesser focus on the negative and greater focus on the positive when responding to another person's suffering, in Study 4, American and German participants were randomly assigned to 1 of 2 conditions: (a) to "push negative images away" (i.e., increasing desire to avoid negative affect) from or (b) to "pull negative images closer" (i.e., decreasing desire to avoid negative affect) to themselves. Participants were then asked to pick a card to send to an acquaintance whose father had hypothetically just died. Across cultures, participants in the "push negative away" condition were less likely to choose sympathy cards with negative (vs. positive) content than were those in the "pull negative closer" condition. Together, these studies suggest that cultures differ in their desire to avoid negative affect and that these differences influence the degree to which expressions of sympathy focus on the negative (vs. positive). We discuss the implications of these findings for current models of sympathy, compassion, and helping.

<h2 class="secHeading" id="section_abstract">Abstract</h2><p id="">In this research, we examine customer rage-associated emotions, expressions, and behaviors following service failure. Three independent studies involving 656 respondents and multiple methods are employed to investigate customer rage. Scales for each form of rage emotion, expression, and behavior were developed and used to assess their interrelationships. Results suggest that different forms of customer rage emotions tend to be linked to different types of expressions and behaviors. For example, both Rancorous Rage and Retaliatory Rage emotions tend to increase Verbal expressions (such as raising one's voice, yelling, and making insulting remarks). In contrast, Retaliatory Rage emotion increases Physical expressions (tried to physically harm a service employee, tried to cause damage to property, and threatened to damage property) and Displaced expressions (took anger out on other people nearby, yelled at other people, and took their anger out on other people later on) whereas Rancorous Rage emotion decreases Physical and Displaced expressions. Interestingly, Verbal expressions are linked to passive-aggressive behaviors, such as switching service providers and spreading negative word of mouth while Physical expressions are linked to relatively aggressive behavior, such as a desire for revenge. Implications for scholarly research and retailers are discussed.</p>

Previous research has clearly shown that work stressors are positively related to counterproductive work behavior (CWB). Most of these studies, however, used cross-sectional designs, which limits insight into the direction of effects. Nevertheless, it has been assumed that work stressors have a causal effect on CWB, but the role of CWB as an antecedent of work stressors has been neglected. The present study examined lagged reciprocal relationships between work stressors and CWB. We assumed that work stressors (organizational constraints and experienced incivility) are prospectively and positively related to CWB (interpersonal and organizational CWB) and that conversely CWB is prospectively and positively related to work stressors. We tested our hypotheses with a longitudinal study of 663 individuals who were assessed 5 times over an 8-month period. The results supported the possibility of a reciprocal relationship. Organizational constraints (but not experienced incivility) predicted subsequent CWB, and CWB predicted subsequent organizational constraints and experienced incivility. Because reciprocal effects point to a vicious cycle with detrimental effects of CWB to both actors and targets, the findings are not only of theoretical but also of practical importance.

The current research explores the role of disgust in enhancing compliance with fear appeals. Despite its frequent use in advertising and prevalence in consumer settings, little is known about the specific role that disgust plays in persuasion. This article explores the unique characteristics of disgust and examines its distinctive effect on persuasion. The results across a series of four studies demonstrate that adding disgust to a fear appeal appreciably enhances message persuasion and compliance beyond that of appeals that elicit only fear. Importantly, the results trace the persuasive effects of disgust to its strong and immediate avoidance reaction.

Despite evidence that currency denomination can influence spending, researchers have yet to examine whether the physical appearance of money can do the same. This is important because smaller denomination bills tend to suffer greater wear than larger denomination bills. Using real money in the context of real purchases, this article demonstrates that the physical appearance of money can override the influence of denomination. The reason being, people want to rid themselves of worn bills because they are disgusted by the contamination from others, whereas people put a premium on crisp currency because they take pride in owning bills that can be spent around others. This suggests that the physical appearance of money matters more than traditionally thought, and like most things in life, it too is inextricably linked to the social context. The results suggest that money may be less fungible than people think.

Unfair treatment can activate strong negative emotions among victims and third parties. Less is known about other innate and evolutionary-based reactions to unfairness, such as those that manifest themselves through our senses. In three experiments, we found that interpersonally unfair treatment at work, defined as treatment that violates an individual's sense of dignity and respect, triggered disgust emotions over and above anger which subsequently related to stronger taste and smell reactions to gustatory and olfactory stimuli. This effect was observed for pleasant and unpleasant tasting products, for agreeable and malodorous scents, and among both mistreatment victims and third parties. Our findings suggest that violations of dignity and respect can trigger an evolutionary based reaction that activates a human alarm system, warning individuals of impending threats even when no oral threat is imminent. (C) 2013 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

Interest in and research on disgust has surged over the past few decades. The field, however, still lacks a coherent theoretical framework for understanding the evolved function or functions of disgust. Here we present such a framework, emphasizing 2 levels of analysis: that of evolved function and that of information processing. Although there is widespread agreement that disgust evolved to motivate the avoidance of contact with disease-causing organisms, there is no consensus about the functions disgust serves when evoked by acts unrelated to pathogen avoidance. Here we suggest that in addition to motivating pathogen avoidance, disgust evolved to regulate decisions in the domains of mate choice and morality. For each proposed evolved function, we posit distinct information processing systems that integrate function-relevant information and account for the trade-offs required of each disgust system. By refocusing the discussion of disgust on computational mechanisms, we recast prior theorizing on disgust into a framework that can generate new lines of empirical and theoretical inquiry.

<h2 class="secHeading" id="section_abstract">Abstract</h2><p id="">The concept of emotional labor was introduced by Hochschild, A. R. (1979). Emotion work, feeling rules, and social structure. <em>American Journal of Sociology</em>, <em>85</em>(3), 551&ndash;575, Hochschild, A. R. (1983). <em>The managed heart: The commercialization of human feeling</em>. Berkeley: University of California Press and is defined as &ldquo;the management of feeling to create a publicly observable facial and bodily display.&rdquo; Some recent studies have discovered the emotional labor of front-line service staff in the tourism context (e.g., Constanti, P., &amp; Gibbs, P. (2005). Emotional labour and surplus value: the case of holiday &lsquo;reps.&rsquo; <em>Service Industries Journal</em>, <em>25</em>(1), 103&ndash;116; Guerrier, Y., &amp; Adib, A. (2003). Work at leisure and leisure at work: a study of the emotional labour of tour reps. <em>Human Relations</em>, <em>56</em>(11), 1399&ndash;1417) and have developed an exclusive hospitality emotional labor scale (HELS) for the hospitality industry (Chu, K. H.-L., &amp; Murrmann, S. K. (2006). Development and validation of the hospitality emotional labor scale. <em>Tourism Management</em>, <em>27</em>(6), 1181&ndash;1191). A thorough understanding about emotional labor of the tour leader, however, is still wanting. The purpose of this study is to add to what is known. Qualitative research approach was used to identify significant issues and draw out important managerial implications. Findings concluded that the&nbsp;job of tour leader requires the performance of significant emotional labor. Issues about emotional display rules, emotional labor strategies, antecedents, and consequences of emotional labor for the tour&nbsp;leader are discussed. Managerial implications and future research directions are also provided in this study.</p>