心理科学进展, 2019, 27(1): 117-127 doi: 10.3724/SP.J.1042.2019.00117

研究前沿

帮助情境中的预测偏差:成因与应对

王逸璐, 谢晓非,

北京大学心理与认知科学学院,行为与心理健康北京市重点实验室, 北京 100080

Prediction errors in helping and help-seeking: Causes and coping

WANG Yilu, XIE Xiaofei,

School of Psychological and Cognitive Sciences and Beijing Key Laboratory of Behavior and Mental Health, Peking University, Beijing 100080, China

通讯作者: 谢晓非, E-mail: xiaofei@pku.edu.cn

收稿日期: 2018-06-5   网络出版日期: 2019-01-15

基金资助: * 国家自然科学基金面上项目.  71472005, 71772007
国家自然科学基金重点项目(91224002).  

Received: 2018-06-5   Online: 2019-01-15

摘要

理解帮助情境中社会性判断的特征对促成高效率和满意度的互动具有深远的现实意义.帮助与被帮助者因占据不同角色, 对帮助可能性,质量,心理感受和偏好方式等存在不对称的知觉, 进而在预测对方心理与行为时发生偏差, 可能阻碍合作的产生和亲社会行为的传递.此类偏差具有必然性, 受个体认知策略局限性和社会性因素的影响, 并可根据其成因有的放矢地应对.未来可以探讨帮助发生的媒介,双方的社会关系以及帮助的类型与偏差的关系.

关键词: 帮助 ; 求助 ; 社会性判断 ; 自我中心主义 ; 观点采择

Abstract

Understanding the characteristics of social judgments in helping and help-seeking is profoundly essential to facilitate efficient and satisfactory interactions among human beings. Potential helpers and help-recipients have asymmetric perceptions in several aspects, including likelihood of seeking or receiving help, efforts invested in helping, anticipated emotions, and preferred manners in which aid is given. In consequence, they frequently mispredict how others truly think, feel and behave, which may inhibit the occurrence of cooperation and the spread of prosocial behavior. We propose that such prediction errors are inevitable under the joint influence of individual cognitive limitations and social factors. To bridge the gap between helpers and help-recipients, individuals and organizations should take its causes into account. Future research is encouraged to investigate the manifestation of prediction errors in online helping, emotional assistance, and between close others.

Keywords: helping ; help-seeking ; social judgment ; egocentrism ; perspective-taking

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本文引用格式

王逸璐, 谢晓非. (2019). 帮助情境中的预测偏差:成因与应对 . 心理科学进展, 27(1), 117-127

WANG Yilu, XIE Xiaofei. (2019). Prediction errors in helping and help-seeking: Causes and coping. Advances in Psychological Science, 27(1), 117-127

1 引言

俗话说, “一个篱笆三个桩, 一个好汉三个帮”.帮助行为(helping behavior)在生活中随处可见, 小到为身后的人扶下门, 大到对走投无路的人伸出援手, 都是帮助与被帮助的体现.帮助行为于个人于社会都有着重要的积极意义.对个人, 接受帮助能解自身燃眉之急, 提供帮助能为他人雪中送炭; 对社会, 帮助行为是一支黏合剂, 将更多渠道的资源整合在一起, 创造出更大的社会效益.帮助本身具有双元性(dyadic), 是两个关键角色——施助者与受助者互动的过程(Chou & Stauffer, 2016).对帮助行为的研究有利于揭示出一般性的规律, 加深对互动本身和互动主体的理解, 如施助者与受助者的行为模式,心理感受及其影响因素; 同时, 也为促进高效且满意的帮助实践提供指导, 助力社会良性运转.除了期望目标是否达成的客观结果外, 提供与接受帮助的双方的主观体验也值得重视.施助者与受助者如何知觉和预测对方的心理与行为?他们存在哪些共识与分歧?这些问题直接影响帮助行为的发起,实施与评价, 进而影响帮助的最终效果.

过往研究发现, 施助者与受助者对彼此心思的预测常常发生偏差(Bohns, 2016; Bohns & Flynn, 2010; Flynn & Lake, 2008; Newark, Bohns, & Flynn, 2017).所谓预测, 即利用已知的线索去推断未知的结果(Rosenzweig & Critcher, 2014).广义而言, 社会心理学中的预测包括情感预测(affective forecasting)和行为预测(behavioral forecasting).早期研究表明, 人们对自己未来情绪感受的预期与实际情绪体验主要有两种形式的偏差(van Boven, Loewenstein, Dunning, & Nordgren, 2013):其一为影响偏差(impact bias), 表现为高估情绪反应的强度和持续时间(Wilson & Gilbert, 2003, 2005, 2013); 其二为共情鸿沟(empathy gap), 表现为低估情绪状态的影响, 当个体处于“冷” (未唤醒)/ “热” (唤醒)状态下时, 难以准确预测自己处于“热”/“冷”状态时的感受和行为(Loewenstein, 1996, 2005).近期研究发现影响偏差也可能反转, 即低估对情绪事件的反应强度.具体表现为高估还是低估与事件结果的特征(outcome specification)有关:对那些重要性高,概率低,心理距离远,持续时间长的事件, 人们容易高估对其的情绪强度, 而对重要性低,概率高,心理距离近,持续时间短的事件则容易低估(Buechel, Zhang, & Morewedge, 2017).在对他人做出情感预测时, 人们也会犯类似的影响偏差和人际共情鸿沟:高估未来事件对他人情绪体验的影响(Pollmann & Finkenauer, 2009; Green et al., 2013), 错误估计与自己处于不同情绪或机体状态下他人的心理与行为(Loewenstein, 2005; van Boven et al., 2013).此外, 人们对自己未来行为或表现的预测也不尽准确(Rosenzweig & Critcher, 2014), 如低估完成任务所需的时间(Buehler, Griffin, & Peetz, 2010),错误估计表现提升的可能性(Critcher & Rosenzweig, 2014)等.

近年来, 越来越多的研究者开始注意到, 人们在社会互动中预测与自己处于不同角色的他人的所思所为时也经常犯错(e.g., Adams, 2016; Adams & Inesi, 2016; Baskin, Wakslak, Trope, & Novemsky, 2014; Bohns & DeVincent, Online First; Flynn & Adams, 2009; Gino & Flynn, 2011; Givi & Galak, 2017; Kupor, Flynn, & Norton, 2017; Levine et al., 2018; Yang & Urminsky, 2015).植根于社会互动中的预测有三个特点:第一, 由于预测的对象与自己是相互依赖的, 因而区别于预测独立他人对非社会性事件(如考试不理想)的情感或行为(Green et al., 2013); 第二, 由于存在社会性互动, 除了认知和情绪因素外, 动机和社会性因素等也会影响预测; 第三, 自己的预期与他人的体验往往同时发生, 而非发生在当下与未来两个不同的时间点上.本文聚焦于帮助与受助这一社会互动情境, 对帮助行为的提供者与接受者在知觉是否帮,帮多少,如何帮等问题上的不对称性以及由此带来的在预测对方心理与行为时的偏差进行回顾.并且, 进一步指出, 帮助情境中偏差的出现并非偶然, 而是一个必然的结果.根据偏差的成因, 可对症下药地进行干预.

2 帮助情境中的不对称知觉

现实生活中, 个体获取帮助的需求有时可能被潜在施助者敏锐地捕捉到, 潜在施助者进而自发向他们施以援手(unsolicited helping).但帮助行为的发生更常见于, 需要帮助的个体向潜在施助者主动提出一个具体的请求(solicited helping), 如寻求援助,信息,建议或支持等(Anderson & Williams, 1996; Hofmann, Lei, & Grant, 2009).当受助者和施助者就帮助事件进行互动时, 他们可能在诸多方面存在不对称的知觉, 如有多大的可能性提供/寻求帮助,愿意为帮助行为付出多大的努力,提供/获得帮助时的心理感受如何, 以及更偏好何种帮助方式等, 从而使帮助与被帮助的双方在预测与实际情况之间存在偏差.

2.1 可能性预期

在求助与帮助的人际互动中, 求助者会系统性地低估潜在施助者答应其请求的可能性, 这一现象最早由Flynn和Bohns揭示(Bohns, 2016; Flynn & Lake, 2008).在一项开创性的研究中, 参与实验的大学生被告知他们每人要请5个陌生人填写一份两页长的问卷.在真实地执行这项求助行为前, 首先请被试估计, 他们需要向多少人提出帮助的请求才能完成任务.结果发现, 被试显著高估了需要请求的人数:求助前预计的平均人数为20.5, 但实际上只需向10.5人提出请求即可.换言之, 求助者低估了人们提供帮助的意愿.在请求借用他人手机,请求他人带路到校园中的某一地点,筹集善款等众多情景中也发现了类似的效应(Flynn & Lake, 2008), 表明低估的倾向在面对面互动中非常稳健.并且, 不同文化背景下的个体中也有相似表现(Bohns et al., 2011).求助者对帮助可能性的错误估计不仅发生在单次请求中, 还存在于相继提出大小相当的请求时.一项实验中, 被试需要请校园里的行人帮自己完成两件事, 先请对方填一份1页长的问卷, 无论对方答应与否, 接下来都再请求他们把一封信投放到顺路会经过的邮筒里.根据求助者的预期, 如果行人拒绝了填问卷的请求, 那么他们答应寄信的可能性将会更低; 而事实却恰恰相反, 在拒绝第一个请求后行人对第二个请求的答应率反而上升了10% (Newark, Flynn, & Bohns, 2014).

与之相对的是, 潜在施助者系统性高估他人向自己寻求帮助的可能性.Bohns和Flynn (2010)选取了在生活中自然而然就扮演施助者角色的两个样本(担任朋辈导师的35名MBA学生和担任不同课程助教的91名学生), 请他们在任职的学期初预测所负责的学生中会有多少人向自己寻求帮助, 等到期末的时候再统计实际情况.无论是朋辈导师还是助教, 都远远高估了前来求助的学生数.

2.2 质量预期

除了评估获得帮助的可能性外, 对预期帮助质量的评估也在很大程度上影响人们是否寻求帮助.所谓帮助质量, 指的是施助者为帮助事件付出的努力程度(Newark et al., 2017), 如花费的时间.在一项实验中, 被试被要求请大学校园里的路人回答一些简单的知识问答题, 路人答对的题目越多, 被试获得礼品卡奖励的可能性就越高.在进行实验前, 被试预计路人平均愿意花费3分26秒的时间来回答24.74题, 可能答对18.66题; 但真实的结果表明, 他们远远低估了路人为帮助他们获得奖品而付出的努力程度:路人平均花了4分34秒, 回答了49.03题, 其中45.39题回答正确.另一项实验中, 2名互不相识的被试一起来到实验室, 其中一人观看一段TED演讲视频并做笔记, 另一人根据搭档的笔记回答关于视频的问题.做测验者的报酬取决于答对题目的数量, 如果搭档做的笔记越多,内容越详细, 他们能获得高报酬的可能性就越大.而记笔记者的报酬是恒定的, 与做测验者的答题成绩无关.尽管如此, 记笔记者为帮助搭档答对题目赢得高额报酬, 所做的笔记质量远远超过了做测验者的预期.有意思的是, 对帮助质量的低预期只发生在他人为施助者,自己为受助者的情况下, 而对于人们一般而言会付出多少努力(如自己帮自己,他人帮他人), 被试的估计是相对准确的(Newark et al., 2017).

2.3 感受预期

帮助情境中典型的心理感受包括施助者由助人而体验到的快乐感(Dunn, Aknin, & Norton, 2014)和受助者对施助者生发的感激之情(Tesser, Gatewood, & Driver, 1968; Yu, Gao, Zhou, & Zhou, 2018)等.这类情绪感受不仅是帮助行为的结果, 也具有动机功能, 能够激励和强化人们在未来做出更多的亲社会行为(Grant & Gino, 2010; McCullough, Kilpatrick, Emmons, & Larson, 2001).正如人们对帮助情境中的对方行为的预测常常发生偏差, 对心理感受的预测也不准确.

以感激情绪为例.在一项实验(Zhang & Epley, 2009)中, 被试被要求请他人帮自己完成一个任务(划掉一篇文章中所有的字母e), 如果他人答应帮忙, 受助者自己就能获得一份小礼物.随后, 研究者询问受助者有多感激施助者, 并让施助者预测受助者有多感激他/她.结果发现, 受助者的感激程度远高于施助者所以为的水平.在施助者看来, 帮得越多越值得感激, 当帮助行为完成时受助者的感激程度也达到顶峰.然而, 这又是一个美丽的误会.Converse和Fishbach (2012)的研究发现, 受助者在接受帮助的整个进程中, 其感激程度其实是在帮助完成之前达到最高点.比如结成朋辈互助关系的大学生中, 相比于期末考试之后, 学渣在考试前一周更感激学霸的辅导.这是因为, 当帮助行为仍在进行中并且即将接近目标时, 受助者对施助者最为依赖, 而当目标实现后, 感激程度随着依赖性的下降也减弱了.

2.4 方式偏好

中国有句古话叫“授人以鱼不如授人以渔”, 形容的是帮助的方式.对于提供和获得帮助的方式, 受助者和施助者有着不同的偏好.以家长式(paternalistic)和自主式(agentic)帮助为例.所谓家长式, 指的是由帮助的提供方决定受助者的需求, 赋予受助者较小的选择自由度(Baker, 2015); 而与之相对的自主式帮助则强调由受助者自己决定需要什么, 受助者享有的自由度更大.最新研究表明, 当个体作为帮助的提供方时, 更偏好家长式, 认为家长式帮助是更有效的方式, 而作为接受方时却相反, 更希望获得自主式的帮助(Schroeder, Waytz, & Epley, 2017).换言之, 施助者所认可的家长式帮助却令受助者感到反感.这可能引发很多现实问题, 例如, 当受助者感到行为自由受到限制时, 可能产生心理逆反, 降低对施助者的互惠意愿(Brehm & Cole, 1966).对帮助方式的偏好也确切地反映在现实生活的实践中, 世界上几乎所有国家提供的主要帮助方式都为家长式(in-kind transfers; Currie & Gahvari, 2008), 仅有少数反潮流而行的公益组织(如GiveDirectly)采取现金转移(cash transfers)的自主模式.

3 偏差的必然性及成因分析

寻求与提供帮助是生活中常有的经历, 人人都有着相当丰富的经验, 理应对这一情境有切身的实感; 但经验似乎并没有使人们成为“读心”的专家, 如前文所述, 受助者与施助者对彼此依然存在层层误解.这提示我们, 此类偏差可能并非偶然出现, 而具有必然性.本文试图从个体认知策略的局限性与社会性因素的影响两个角度(见图1)分析偏差为何必然发生.

图1

图1   偏差的表现,成因与应对


3.1 认知策略的局限性

从生理结构上讲, 每个个体都拥有独立的大脑, 也就是说, 客观上, 我们无法真正经历和体验他人的心理状态.出于生理结构的限制, 人们在试图理解他人的心理与行为时主要采取两条认知策略.其一为“眼见为实”, 即利用可观测的信息,忽视不可见的信息, 关乎“外部行为-内部心

理”联结; 其二为“由己及人”, 即以自身情况作为锚定点, 关乎“自我-他人”关系.然而, 这两条策略本身都不是完全准确的, 进而造成了对他人心理的预测偏离他人真实想法的结果.

3.1.1 眼见未必为实

了解自己的所思所想所感易如反掌, 但获得关于他人认知或情绪的信息却难上加难(Pronin, 2008).如能使用真真切切观察到的信息, 人们做预测时的不确定感就会降低, 即所谓的“眼见为实”.由于他人的表情,过去行为表现,可识别的身份等信息是可观察的, 人们倾向于依赖这些明确的线索去解释他人的行为(Epley, 2014; Waytz, Schroeder, & Epley, 2014).与此相对地, 他人的内心感受因其不可见而常常遭到忽视.但事实上, 外显的信息仅仅是对真实心理状态的间接反映, 很可能是有偏的, 也即“眼见”不一定“为实”.人们并不能意识到这一点, 往往高估了依据表现出来的信息做判断的准确度(Zhou, Majka, & Epely, 2017).

在前文提及的“相继请求”例子中, 当第二次评估获得帮助的可能性时, 对方过去的拒绝行为对求助者而言是一个外显的线索, 而对方内心的感受则难以直接观察, 因此求助者基于前者认定对方不乐于助人, 形成其不愿提供帮助的预期.这就偏离了潜在施助者真实的心理, 即希望通过答应第二次请求来减轻拒绝所引起的不适感(Newark et al., 2014).

此外, 潜在施助者容易将“不求助”理解为“不需要帮助” (Bohns & Flynn, 2010), 过于相信所见即为真相, 把外显的行为选择等同于内心的想法.而事实上, 求助者放弃请求帮助可能是重重顾虑下的产物, 如担心把自己的脆弱性暴露在他人面前,承担被拒绝或遭受负面评价的风险.在一项实验(Bohns & Flynn, 2010)中, 研究者让被试想象自己是正为作业挣扎,决定向朋辈志愿者求助的学生(求助者角色)或为其他学生提供建议的朋辈项目志愿者(施助者角色), 然后给被试呈现两个朋辈支持项目在某公立学校的开展情况, 其中项目B在学生中频繁被使用, 而项目A鲜少被用到, 让被试决定在多大程度上给这两个项目投入资金, 并评估学生对于使用这两个项目的不适感.结果发现, 从志愿者(vs.学生)角度思考的被试更不支持给项目A投入资金, 更难将表面上的“用不到”与内心的“不敢用”联系起来.

简言之, 当受助者或施助者利用“眼见为实”策略预测对方的心理与行为时, 对外部行为线索诊断性的高估和对内部复杂感受的忽视共同引起了偏差.

3.1.2 由己未必及人

另一条推断他人想法的策略是先从自身出发.过往研究发现, 人们对事物的判断常常带有自我中心(egocentric)偏向(Ross & Sicoly, 1979).在对他人进行观点采择时, 人们并非将自身视角完全置于一旁, 而是以它作为起点, 随后考虑到自我与他人的差异, 才努力地,逐步地朝着他人视角的方向进行调整, 直到认为自己已经做出了合理的调整.在没有足够强动机的情况下, 个体的“努力调整”遵循“满意即止”的原则, 并不追求完全精确, 因而往往是不充分的, 会过多地锚定在自身视角的信息上(Epley, Keysar, van Boven, & Gilovich, 2004), 导致对他人偏好的预测并不准确, 常常高估他人与自己的一致性(Marks & Miller, 1987; Ross, Green, & House, 1977).一言以蔽之, “由己”不一定能够“及人”.

处于不同社会角色的个体, 包括医生与患者(Levine et al., 2018),送礼者与收礼者(Baskin et al., 2014; Flynn & Adams, 2009; Galak, Givi, & Williams, 2016; Gino & Flynn, 2011; Givi & Galak, 2017; Kupor et al., 2017; Yang & Urminsky, 2015),肇事者与受害人(Adams, 2016; Adams & Inesi, 2016),追求者与被追求者(Bohns & DeVincent, Online First)等, 在人际互动中常常误解对方的想法而不自知.例如, 当在一个价值5美元3星好评的礼物和另一个价值8美元5星好评,但需收礼者付清剩余3美元的同类礼物中挑选时, 送礼者认为完整的礼物更能反映花费的心思而“欠完整”的礼物有失周到, 并误以为收礼者也如此考虑, 因而更多选择前者; 但实际上, 收礼者更在意礼物本身是不是他们所喜欢的, 更希望收到后者, 即便在完整性上低一些(Kupor et al., 2017).类似地, 在社会交换中, 给予的一方往往期待基于自己付出的成本得到回报, 而接受者在实际进行回馈时依据的却是自身的获益(Zhang & Epley, 2009).

受助者与施助者的关注点不对称决定了双方在由己及人的过程中最初的锚定点不一致.受助者关注潜在施助者将为其请求付出的工具性成本(instrumental costs), 如时间,金钱等资源(Bohns, 2016).他们对有形的,易衡量的信息较为敏感, 认为相比于大请求, 别人答应小请求的可能性更高.例如, 求助者预期当问卷长达10页时陌生人答应填写的可能性低于问卷只有1页时, 虽然实际上陌生人的答应率并未受到请求大小的影响(Flynn & Lake, 2008).按照同样的思路, 求助者认为, 如果给潜在施助者一定的资源来补偿他们因助人所付出的成本(如给陌生人提供金钱作为奖励), 那么对方应该更乐意施以援手.这一推导得到了实验的验证, 此时求助者对陌生人答应请求的低估情况显著减弱了(Bohns, Newark, & Xu, 2016).施助者则关注受助者能从帮助中获得的现实利益, 以及说“不”所要承担的社会-情绪性成本(social-emotional costs).拒绝别人的请求意味着违反“善”的内隐社会规范, 将使施助者产生不适, 为避免这种不良感受, 他们很可能答应帮助并为之付出较多努力(Bohns et al., 2011; Flynn & Lake, 2008; Newark et al., 2014).施助者和受助者过多锚定在自身的关注点上, 进而在预测对方的心理时, 受助者忽视了拒绝请求对施助者的不适, 施助者忽视了求助行为使求助者感到的尴尬(Bohns & Flynn, 2010).

受助者与施助者经历的情绪不同, 加剧了观点采择的难度, 进一步放大了关注点的差异.受助者被强烈的消极情绪所主导:从工具性的角度讲, 如果不能及时获得有效的帮助, 他们无法处理好当前面临的问题, 这使他们感到焦虑(Bohns & Flynn, 2015).从情感性的角度讲, 向他人寻求帮助意味着暴露自己的能力不足和承认对他人的依赖(Lee, 1997, 2002), 这使他们感到尴尬, 并对施助者产生负债感(DePaulo & Fisher, 1980; Greenberg, 1980); 潜在的社会拒绝又可能引发悲伤和愤怒情绪(Çelik, Lammers, van Beest, Bekker, & Vonk, 2013).消极情绪使受助者对答应请求的成本产生有偏估计, 夸大施助者答应其请求的成本, 而忽视对方答应请求的收益(Bohns et al., 2016), 由此低估获得帮助的可能性.而施助者由于处在相对冷静(cold)的状态下, 很难对受助者的情绪体验真正产生共情(Loewenstein, 1996, 2005; van Boven et al., 2013; van Boven & Loewenstein, 2003).

概括来说, 受助者和施助者在帮助情境中扮演不同的角色, 他们固有的认知和情绪差异使得“由己及人”策略不能完全成功, 表现为预测他人的反应时出现偏差.

3.2 社会性因素的影响

除了认知策略的局限性会导致受助者与施助者在理解对方时出现偏差外, 社会性因素也对偏差的产生推波助澜.求助与帮助属于紧密的社会性互动, 其行为主体毫无疑问地受到社会规范和所处文化环境等因素的影响.其一, 受助者和施助者遵守不同的礼貌规范, 以致对帮助事件的价值做出相反方向的评估.其二, 人们对印象管理策略持有不正确的信念, 时常误用.其三, 偏差的表现形式还受到特定文化价值观的影响.

3.2.1 因角而异的礼貌规范

人际互动可能对双方的面子产生威胁(Brown & Levinson, 1987).对受助者而言, 寻求帮助意味着承认自己能力不足,必须依赖他人才能解决问题(Lee, 1997, 2002), 有失颜面; 对施助者而言, 强加于身的帮助请求干涉了他们自身的行动自由, 也危及脸面.但是, 社会期望互动的双方能够维护彼此的面子, 使这一情景变得不那么尴尬(Goffman, 2003).为使人际互动能够顺利进行下去, 社会规范逐渐形成, 并被人们广泛接纳和认可, 如礼貌(Brown & Levinson, 1987).

值得指出的是, 受助者与施助者遵守的礼貌规范并不一致.受助者通过表达他们对施助者的感激来表现礼貌, 以增加自己在施助者眼中的吸引力(Brown & Levinson, 1987), 降低被拒绝的概率.施助者则感到有义务去维护慷慨的形象, 希望在受助者与其他旁观者眼中建立一个乐于助人的形象(Roberts, 1998).以礼貌用语为例, 受助者常将“太感谢了, 您真是帮了我大忙”挂在嘴边, 这放大了受助者对帮助事件的价值感知; 而施助者在回应时往往会最小化他们的贡献, 如“没什么, 一桩小事而已”, 使得他们将帮助事件知觉为“小忙”.礼貌规范使受助者与施助者对帮助事件的价值产生了相反方向的评估(Flynn, 2003, 2006), 受助者很可能因此高估施助者答应其请求的工具性成本, 进而低估施助者给予帮助的可能性.

3.2.2 阴差阳错的印象管理

我们作为社会人, 存在印象管理的需求, 在准备做某一行为前首先会考虑该行为对自身和对方声誉,自尊的影响, 而后决定是否实施它.但印象管理有时阴差阳错, 比如:求助者以为, 寻求帮助会降低他人对自己的能力感知(Kim, Zhang, & Park, 2018); 为了维护光鲜的自我形象, 他们倾向于不求助.但在潜在施助者的眼中, 求助行为却是一种有效的信息收集方式, 是求助者敢于承担风险和克服潜在人际成本的体现, 并传达了对潜在施助者的信任, 因而反而认为那些在“对的问题”上向“对的人”寻求帮助的个体比回避求助的个体更有能力(Brooks, Gino, & Schweitzer, 2015).以建议寻求为例, 人们对那些在高(vs.低)难度任务上向自己(vs.别人)和专家(vs.非专家)寻求建议的个体持有更高的能力评价.遗憾的是, 寻求帮助的个体往往只能想到“求助-无能”的直接联结, 而难以意识到求助行为也是对其智慧和自信的间接反映.可见, 对印象管理策略的误解和误用也是偏差的成因之一.

3.2.3 特异性的文化价值观

社会互动浸润于其所处的文化环境中, 折射出文化所独有的特征.目前对文化价值观如何影响帮助情境中偏差表现的探讨尚不多见, 已有研究主要关注了集体主义-个体主义.在以互依性为特点的集体主义文化下, 由于个体与他人的自我是相互依存的关系(Markus & Kitayama, 1991), 求助者不仅会考虑自己的关注点, 也会考虑到潜在施助者的关注点, 因此相比于个人主义文化中的个体, 他们更能注意到说“不”的社会成本.跨文化研究发现, 中国的求助者比起美国人, 对陌生人是否会答应自己帮助请求的预测相对更为准确(Bohns et al., 2011).此外, 心理集体主义影响核心自我评价与求助预期的关系.当个体的心理集体主义水平较低时, 个体并不期望轻易得到他人的帮助, 此时如果个体具有较高(vs.低)的核心自我评价, 即有积极的自我认知, 相信自己可以控制人际过程, 那么将认为获得帮助是相对容易的事; 而对那些心理集体主义水平较高的人而言, 他们倾向于认为他人是可以依赖的, 因此不论核心自我评价高低, 都倾向于对获得帮助具有较高预期(孙健敏, 毛畅果, 2013).

4 偏差的应对与思考

高校里的辅导员非常乐意帮助大学生解决学业和生活上的问题, 但相当一部分的学生羞于向辅导员寻求帮助; 与此同时, 辅导员往往也只望见表面的风平浪静, 而难察觉学生心中的暗潮涌动.人际交往中, 帮助与接受帮助其实常常传达“我想要靠近”,“我很喜欢你”的信号, 一来一往里很容易增进彼此的感情; 但受助与帮助的任何一方都容易误以为帮助是负担, 因而错失了让人际关系升温的良机, et al., et al.生活中这样的例子比比皆是.

施助者与受助者对帮助的可能性,质量,心理感受和偏好方式等关键问题有着不对称的知觉, 受限于个体的认知策略并受社会性因素的影响, 双方对彼此心思的预测不可避免地发生偏差, 一方面导致本可以促成的合作流产(Bohns & Flynn, 2015), 另一方面也令感激等帮助情境中的副产品无从发挥积极作用(Grant & Gino, 2010; McCullough et al., 2001), 阻断了亲社会行为的相互激发与传递.如果能缩小这类偏差, 对于促进高效率,高满意度的帮助互动将产生深远的现实意义.下文阐述了针对偏差成因进行干预的途径(如图1所示), 并对未来有关帮助情境中偏差的学术研究和实际应用提出了新的构想.

4.1 对症下药的干预途径

如前文所述, 施助者与受助者的偏差具有必然性, 是认知策略和社会性因素共同影响下的系统性偏离.这意味着我们可以根据其成因对症下药地来减少偏差.个体层面上, 可从增强“存异”意识和反馈寻求以及发挥观点采择的作用等两条干预途径入手.组织层面上, 设计合理的社会支持体系和建立良性的规范大有裨益.

首先, 增强“存异”意识和反馈寻求.尽管由于生理结构的限制, 我们难以从客观层面上“深入”他人的大脑, 但在主观层面上, 我们可以增强三点意识从而更靠近真相:一是他人外显的表现不一定真实地反映了其内心, 二是他人的所思所想不完全与自己相同, 三是文化背景会影响人们的心理与行为模式.仅仅知晓“眼见未必为实”,“由己未必及人”和文化的独特影响, 并在人际互动中多加留意, 就能在很大程度上避免我们在做预测时想当然地得出结论.例如, 需要帮助的个体对于获得帮助的可得性不必过于悲观, 勇敢地提出请求, 很可能就能获得相应的帮助; 而潜在施助者, 尤其是教育,临床和组织管理的实践人员, 如能经常提醒自己注意到高估他人求助可能性的倾向, 就更可能及时发现学生,患者或同事的问题, 做到主动出击,精准援助, 有望达成双方共赢的局面.在此基础上, 鼓励个体有意识地寻求反馈, 与互动的对方进行有效沟通.通过从多次反馈中学习, 个体更可能知己知彼, 进而消除偏差.

其次, 发挥观点采择的作用.从自己的视角出发看世界是人之常情, 但当自身视角明显不同于互动对象的视角时, 自我中心倾向就会导致推断错误.此时, 如果对他人进行观点采择, 能够降低自我中心倾向, 同时也增加对他人心理状态预测的准确性(Eyal, Steffel, & Epley, 2018).因此, 观点采择能在一定程度上帮助人们克服“由己未必及人”的局限性.一方面, 我们可以调用自己在对方角色下的直接经验.每个人或多或少地拥有一些作为受助者和施助者的生活经验.也即, 我们对处于任一角色下时占据的视角,关注的内容和经历的情绪都有过直观的感受.但默认情况下, 这些生活经验可能仅仅潜伏着, 未得到利用或被归为无关信息(Buehler et al., 2010).如果我们主动提取这些信息, 或许有助于更准确地理解对方的心思.例如, 当人们出于印象管理的考虑而决定放弃向别人寻求解决问题的建议时, 不妨先回想自己在遇到他人求助时是否会对求助者产生能力差的印象.如果现实经验并不支持我们对印象管理效果的预期, 人们就不必担心因求助而被贴上能力差的标签.另一方面, 观点采择能力具有可塑性, 可以通过训练想象自己处在对方的情境中而提高.例如, 中国被试一般倾向于不采取直接的冲突解决策略, 但如果让他们先进行3分钟的观点采择训练, 想象“自己向同事借钱但忘了还, 同事直接要求自己还钱”并描述自己处于此情景中的感受或反应, 就大大提高了愿意直面冲突的个体的比例(Zhang, Zhang, & Wang, 2011).短短三分钟的训练就改变了人们一般性的行为模式, 可以想见, 如果在日常生活中对某些群体(如常年提供帮助服务的个体)开展更为系统的观点采择训练, 有望取得显著的成效.

综合以上, 如果处于受助者或施助者角色的个体有强烈的“存异”意识, 注重从反馈中学习, 并在预测对方行为时进行有效的观点采择, 或能有效减少预测偏差.

从宏观层面, 在组织中建立起降低心理不适感的社会支持体系,设计精准的信息传递策略很有必要.Bohns和Flynn (2010)让被试从新员工或新员工导师的角度阅读一张经理写的便签.便签的目的是鼓励新员工参加公司的导师制项目, 有两种内容:一种传达了经理对寻求帮助可能引起不适感的理解, 写道“如果需要任何帮助, 请你来找我, 不要担心自己会显得愚蠢或无能”; 另一种则强调了导师制项目的好处, 写道“如果需要任何帮助, 请你来找我, 这样你可以在新工作中取得高效和成功”.随后, 让被试估计员工在多大程度上可能寻求导师的帮助以及员工求助时会感到有多尴尬.结果发现, 采取导师视角的被试误以为传递有用性信息对于鼓励员工求助更有效, 但实际上, 从新员工视角思考的被试将传递不适感信息评定为更有效的策略.因此, 如果组织切实了解并相应地建立员工需要的社会支持体系, 将提升帮助互动的满意度和人力资源的利用效率.此外, 当自发寻求和提供帮助成为组织中的规范和惯例时(e.g., Grodal, Nelson, & Siino, 2015), 帮助行为更容易开展, 人们也会减少暴露不足(求助者)或自作多情(施助者)的顾虑.

4.2 未来研究展望

帮助行为提供方与接受方的相互知觉存在哪些偏差, 既是具有理论价值的问题, 又与生活实际息息相关.该领域的研究初现成果但尚未丰满, 未来应致力于发掘其中更多的规律, 并使揭晓的规律真正服务于实践.

综观前文所述的受助者与施助者所处的情境, 具有以下特征:1)双方面对面互动, 2)双方多为陌生人, 也涉及普通的同事关系, 3)为工具型帮助(Bamberger, 2009), 即求助者请求帮助者投入一定资源完成某件具体的事, 而非情感性诉求.在其他情境中, 受助者与施助者的预测存在怎样的规律,与上述特征又有何区别或联系仍有待澄清.以下这些方面均存在大量的探索空间:第一, 帮助行为发生的媒介如何影响偏差的表现形式.Roghanizad和Bohns (2017)的研究提供了一些启发.他们发现, 当通过电子邮件向10名陌生人发出填问卷的请求时, 被试显著高估了获得帮助的可能性(估计平均有5.59人填写在线问卷, 但实际仅有0.21人), 即偏差出现了反转.这是因为, 求助者没能意识到在缺乏非言语线索的情况下, 潜在施助者对网上的陌生邮件并不信任(Bohns, 2017).此外, 我们认为虚拟性和匿名性等特征也可能使网络上的求助与帮助不同于面对面情境.第二, 施助者与受助者的社会关系如何影响偏差的方向与强度.我们认为, 当施助者为亲密他人时或将表现出与陌生人不同的模式.俗话说“帮是情分, 不帮是本分”, 人们对获得陌生人帮助的心理预期较低, 而感激程度较高.但当施助者为亲密朋友或父母时, 因其对受助者意味着特殊的社会角色, 可能被认为有义务提供帮助(Ames, Flynn, & Weber, 2004), 尤其在集体主义文化背景下; 相应地, 人们对获得帮助的预期较高, 很可能高估实际获得帮助的可能性与质量, 但感激程度反而下降, 于是偏差减弱甚至反向.第三, 探究不同帮助方式所独有的规律.例如, 人们除了帮他人解决具体问题外, 也常提供社会支持,帮助他人调节情绪和应对压力(e.g., Doré, Morris, Burr, Picard, & Ochsner, 2017; Inagaki & Eisenberger, 2016; Inagaki & Orehek, 2017).这样的情感型帮助多发生于已建立的关系(established relationship)中(e.g., Cavallo & Hirniak, in press), 可能受社会关系因素的影响更大.再如, 在选择帮助方式时, 施助者是为他人(受助者)决策, 受助者是为自己决策, 鉴于这两类决策常常存在差异, 如为自己决策更看重可行性, 而为他人决策更看重渴望性(Lu, Xie, & Xu, 2013), 施助者可能更愿意以渴望性高而可行性较低的方式给予帮助(如“授人以渔”), 而受助者则对可行性更高的帮助(“授人以鱼”)更满意.

在实际层面上, 帮助情境中预测偏差的研究也具有很强的应用价值, 其所揭示的规律能为生活中的具体问题提供指导.例如, 中国人普遍信奉“君子以自强不息”的观念, 在工作场所中不愿示弱.诚然, 信奉自强很重要, 但有时“示弱” (如寻求/接受他人的意见或反馈)能使自己更有效地整合可获得的资源, 从内心和行动上都成为真正的强者.再如, 对教育,社会和临床工作者而言, 为他人提供信息,情感,技术等方面的援助在他们的工作内容中占相当大的分量.如果他们在开展工作时能主动增加对服务对象与自身异同的关注, 考虑到服务对象的心理与行为特点, 审慎选择恰当的帮助方式, 或能显著改善服务质量和效率, 在提升服务对象满意度的同时也增强自身的职业效能感.

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Abstract We propose that in social interactions, appreciation of a helper depends on that helper's instrumentality: The more motivated one is to accomplish a goal, and the more one perceives a helper as able to facilitate that goal, the more appreciation one will feel for that helper. Four experiments supported this instrumentality-boost hypothesis by showing that beneficiaries felt more appreciation of their helpers while they were receiving help toward an ongoing task than after that task was completed or after the helper was deemed no longer instrumental. This finding held for both the positive side of appreciation (gratitude) and the negative side (feelings of indebtedness) and also across a range of relationships (complete strangers, newly acquainted partners, and friends). This pattern of appreciation is counterintuitive for helpers, and so a mismatch arises between the time courses of beneficiaries' experienced appreciation and helpers' expectations of appreciation.

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Abstract Although much research considers how individuals manage their own emotions, less is known about the emotional benefits of regulating the emotions of others. We examined this topic in a 3-week study of an online platform providing training and practice in the social regulation of emotion. We found that participants who engaged more by helping others (vs. sharing and receiving support for their own problems) showed greater decreases in depression, mediated by increased use of reappraisal in daily life. Moreover, social regulation messages with more other-focused language (i.e., second-person pronouns) were (a) more likely to elicit expressions of gratitude from recipients and (b) predictive of increased use of reappraisal over time for message composers, suggesting perspective-taking enhances the benefits of practicing social regulation. These findings unpack potential mechanisms of socially oriented training in emotion regulation and suggest that by helping others regulate, we may enhance our own regulatory skills and emotional well-being.

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Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 114(4), 547-571.

URL     PMID:29620401      [本文引用: 1]

Abstract Taking another person's perspective is widely presumed to increase interpersonal understanding. Very few experiments, however, have actually tested whether perspective taking increases accuracy when predicting another person's thoughts, feelings, attitudes, or other mental states. Those that do yield inconsistent results, or they confound accuracy with egocentrism. Here we report 25 experiments testing whether being instructed to adopt another person's perspective increases interpersonal insight. These experiments include a wide range of accuracy tests that disentangle egocentrism and accuracy, such as predicting another person's emotions from facial expressions and body postures, predicting fake versus genuine smiles, predicting when a person is lying or telling the truth, and predicting a spouse's activity preferences and consumer attitudes. Although a large majority of pretest participants believed that perspective taking would systematically increase accuracy on these tasks, we failed to find any consistent evidence that it actually did so. If anything, perspective taking decreased accuracy overall while occasionally increasing confidence in judgment. Perspective taking reduced egocentric biases, but the information used in its place was not systematically more accurate. A final experiment confirmed that getting another person's perspective directly, through conversation, increased accuracy but that perspective taking did not. Increasing interpersonal accuracy seems to require gaining new information rather than utilizing existing knowledge about another person. Understanding the mind of another person is therefore enabled by getting perspective, not simply taking perspective. (PsycINFO Database Record.

Flynn F.J . (2003).

What have you done for me lately? Temporal changes in subjective favor evaluations.

Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes, 91(1), 38-50.

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Flynn F.J . (2006).

How much is it worth to you? Subjective evaluations of help in organizations.

Research in Organizational Behavior, 27, 133-174.

URL     [本文引用: 1]

Helping behavior is a fundamental aspect of life in organizations, but subjective evaluations of giving and receiving help often diverge. What one employee believes is a generous act might seem insignificant to another. Such disparity in evaluations of helpful acts can negatively affect interpersonal cooperation among peer employees. In this article, I review research on the topic of subjective evaluation in social exchange, present a preliminary model of how members of organizations construct evaluations of help, and explain how these evaluations may shape their work experiences. I conclude by discussing the implications of this framework for research on employee exchange and outline some directions for future research.

Flynn F.J., &Adams G.S . (2009).

Money can’t buy love: Asymmetric beliefs about gift price and feelings of appreciation.

Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 45(2), 404-409.

Magsci     [本文引用: 1]

<h2 class="secHeading" id="section_abstract">Abstract</h2><p id="">Across three studies, we identify an asymmetry between gift-givers&rsquo; and gift-recipients&rsquo; beliefs about the link between gift price and feelings of appreciation. Gift-givers expected a positive correlation between how much they spent on a gift and the extent to which gift-recipients would appreciate the gift because gift-givers assume that more expensive gifts convey a higher level of thoughtfulness. Gift-recipients, in contrast, reported no such association between gift price and their actual feelings of appreciation. This effect occurred regardless of whether the individual&rsquo;s role and the magnitude of the gift were manipulated or measured in the field. Taken together, these findings cast doubt on whether gift-givers can draw on their personal experience as gift-recipients in order to identify meaningful gifts for others.</p>

Flynn F.J., &Lake V. K.B . (2008).

If you need help, just ask: Underestimating compliance with direct requests for help.

Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 95(1), 128-143.

URL     PMID:18605856      [本文引用: 5]

A series of studies tested whether people underestimate the likelihood that others will comply with their direct requests for help. In the first 3 studies, people underestimated by as much as 50% the likelihood that others would agree to a direct request for help, across a range of requests occurring in both experimental and natural field settings. Studies 4 and 5 demonstrated that experimentally manipulating a person's perspective (as help seeker or potential helper) could elicit this underestimation effect. Finally, in Study 6, the authors explored the source of the bias, finding that help seekers were less willing than potential helpers were to appreciate the social costs of refusing a direct request for help (the costs of saying "no"), attending instead to the instrumental costs of helping (the costs of saying "yes").

Galak J., Givi J., & Williams E. F . (2016).

Why certain gifts are great to give but not to get: A framework for understanding errors in gift giving.

Current Directions in Psychological Science, 25(6), 380-385.

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Gino F., &Flynn F.J . (2011).

Give them what they want: The benefits of explicitness in gift exchange.

Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 47(5), 915-922.

URL     Magsci     [本文引用: 2]

Five studies show that gift recipients are more appreciative of gifts they explicitly request than those they do not. In contrast, gift givers assume that both solicited and unsolicited gifts will be equally appreciated. At the root of this dilemma is a difference of opinion about what purchasing an unsolicited gift signals: gift givers expect unsolicited gifts will be considered more thoughtful and considerate by their intended recipients than is actually the case . In our final two studies, we highlight two boundary conditions for this effect: identifying a specific gift and using money as a gift. When gift recipients request one specific gift, rather than providing a list of possible gifts, givers become more willing to purchase the requested gift (Study 4). Further, although givers believe that recipients do not appreciate receiving money as much as receiving a solicited gift, recipients feel the opposite about these two gift options (Study 5).

Givi J., & Galak J. (2017).

Sentimental value and gift giving: Givers’ fears of getting it wrong prevents them from getting it right.

Journal of Consumer Psychology, 27(4), 473-479.

URL     [本文引用: 2]

Sentimental value is the value derived from an emotionally-laden item's associations with significant others, or special events or times in one's life. The present research demonstrates that when faced with the choice between sentimentally valuable gifts and gifts with superficial attributes that match the preferences of the recipient, givers give the latter much more often than recipients would prefer to receive such gifts. This asymmetry appears to be driven by givers feeling relatively certain that preference-matching gifts will be well-liked by recipients, but relatively uncertain that the same is true for sentimentally valuable gifts. Three studies demonstrate this gift-giving mismatch and validate the proposed mechanism across a variety of gift-giving occasions and giver-receiver relationship types. The contribution of these findings to the gift-giving literature, as well as directions for future research, are discussed.

Goffman E. . (2003).

On face-work: An analysis of ritual elements in social interaction.

Reflections: The SoL Journal, 4(3), 7-13.

URL     PMID:13254953      [本文引用: 1]

Analyzes ritual elements in social interaction. Combined effect of the rule of self-respect and the rule of considerateness; Definition of face-work in social interaction; Ritual roles of the self; Nature of the ritual order.

Grant A.M., & Gino F. (2010).

A little thanks goes a long way: Explaining why gratitude expressions motivate prosocial behavior.

Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 98(6), 946-955.

URL     PMID:20515249      [本文引用: 2]

Abstract Although research has established that receiving expressions of gratitude increases prosocial behavior, little is known about the psychological mechanisms that mediate this effect. We propose that gratitude expressions can enhance prosocial behavior through both agentic and communal mechanisms, such that when helpers are thanked for their efforts, they experience stronger feelings of self-efficacy and social worth, which motivate them to engage in prosocial behavior. In Experiments 1 and 2, receiving a brief written expression of gratitude motivated helpers to assist both the beneficiary who expressed gratitude and a different beneficiary. These effects of gratitude expressions were mediated by perceptions of social worth and not by self-efficacy or affect. In Experiment 3, we constructively replicated these effects in a field experiment: A manager's gratitude expression increased the number of calls made by university fundraisers, which was mediated by social worth but not self-efficacy. In Experiment 4, a different measure of social worth mediated the effects of an interpersonal gratitude expression. Our results support the communal perspective rather than the agentic perspective: Gratitude expressions increase prosocial behavior by enabling individuals to feel socially valued. (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved).

Green J. D., Davis J. L., Luchies L. B., Coy A. E., van Tongeren D. R., Reid C. A., & Finkel E. J . (2013).

Victims versus perpetrators: Affective and empathic forecasting regarding transgressions in romantic relationships.

Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 49(3), 329-333.

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78 Affective forecasting about transgressions showed an overestimation level bias. 78 However, individuals correctly forecast that perpetrators would feel worse than victims. 78 Empathic forecasts also revealed an overestimation bias. 78 Moreover, a role bias (victim versus perpetrator) was evident for empathic forecasts.

Greenberg M.S . (1980).

A theory of indebtedness.

In K. J. Gergen, M. S. Greenberg, & R. H. Willis (Eds.), Social exchange. Springer, Boston, MA.

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Grodal S., Nelson A. J., & Siino R. M . (2015).

Help-seeking and help-giving as an organizational routine: Continual engagement in innovative work.

Academy of Management Journal, 58(1), 136-168.

URL     [本文引用: 1]

Abstract The literature on help-giving behavior identifies individual-level factors that affect a help-giver decision to help another individual. Studying a context in which work was highly interdependent and helping was pervasive, however, we propose that this emphasis on the initial point of consent is incomplete. Instead, we find that workplace help-seeking and help-giving can be intertwined behaviors enacted through an organizational routine. Our research, therefore, shifts the theoretical emphasis from one of exchange and cost to one of joint engagement. More specifically, we move beyond the initial point of consent to recast help-seeking and help-giving as an interdependent process in which both the help-seeker and the helpgiver use cognitive and emotional moves to engage others and thereby propel a helping routine forward. In contrast to the existing literature, an organizational routines perspective also reveals that helping need not be limited to dyads and that the helping routine is shaped by the work context in which help is sought. Finally, we extend these insights to the literatures on routines and coordination and debate how our results might generalize even if helping is not part of an organizational routine.

Hofmann D. A., Lei Z., & Grant A. M . (2009).

Seeking help in the shadow of doubt: The sensemaking processes underlying how nurses decide whom to ask for advice.

Journal of Applied Psychology, 94(5), 1261-1274.

URL     PMID:19702369      [本文引用: 1]

Although scholars often assume that individuals seek out experts when they need help, recent research suggests that seeking help from experts can be costly. The authors propose that perceiving potential help providers as accessible or trustworthy can reduce the costs of seeking help and thus encourage individuals to seek help from experts. They further predict that perceptions of potential help providers' expertise, accessibility, and trustworthiness are shaped by their experience, formal roles, and organizational commitment. They investigated their theoretical model in a study of 146 nurses on the front lines of healthcare. They found that the decision to seek out help depends on help-seekers' perceptions of experts' accessibility and trustworthiness, and that these perceptions are predicted by experience, formal roles, and affective organizational commitment. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed.

Inagaki T.K., &Eisenberger N.I . (2016).

Giving support to others reduces sympathetic nervous system-related responses to stress: Support giving reduces stress response.

Psychophysiology, 53(4), 427-435.

[本文引用: 1]

Inagaki T.K., & Orehek E. (2017).

On the benefits of giving social support: When, why, and how support providers gain by caring for others.

Current Directions in Psychological Science, 26(2), 109-113.

[本文引用: 1]

Kim S., Zhang K., & Park D . (2018).

Don’t want to look dumb? The role of theories of intelligence and humanlike features in online help seeking.

Psychological Science, 29(2), 171-180.

URL     PMID:29240519      [本文引用: 1]

Numerous studies have shown that individuals' help-seeking behavior increases when a computerized helper is endowed with humanlike features in nonachievement contexts. In contrast, the current research suggests that anthropomorphic helpers are not universally conducive to help-seeking behavior in contexts of achievement, particularly among individuals who construe help seeking as a display of incompetence (i.e., entity theorists). Study 1 demonstrated that when entity theorists received help from an anthropomorphized (vs. a nonanthropomorphized) helper, they were more concerned about negative judgments from other people, whereas incremental theorists were not affected by anthropomorphic features. Study 2 showed that when help was provided by an anthropomorphized (vs. a nonanthropomorphized) helper, entity theorists were less likely to seek help, even at the cost of lower performance. In contrast, incremental theorists' help-seeking behavior and task performance were not affected by anthropomorphism. This research deepens the current understanding of the role of anthropomorphic computerized helpers in online learning contexts.

Kupor D., Flynn F., & Norton M. I . (2017).

Half a gift is not half-hearted: A giver-receiver asymmetry in the thoughtfulness of partial gifts.

Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 43(12), 1686-1695.

URL     PMID:28914152      [本文引用: 3]

Abstract Four studies document an asymmetry in givers' and receivers' evaluations of gifts: Givers underestimate the extent to which receivers perceive partial (but more desirable) gifts to be thoughtful, valuable, and worthy of appreciation. Study 1 documents this asymmetry and suggests that givers underestimate the extent to which partial gifts signal thoughtfulness to receivers. Study 2 replicates this asymmetry in the context of a real gift exchange among friends. Study 3 shows that this asymmetry arises because givers believe that purchasing partial gifts is a greater violation of gift-giving norms than do receivers, leading givers to expect that partial gifts will damage receivers' perceptions of a gift's value. Study 4 offers an intervention that induces givers to select the (partial) gifts that receivers prefer more than givers expect: framing a gift's separate components as complete units.

Lee F. . (1997).

When the going gets tough, do the tough ask for help? Help seeking and power motivation in organizations.

Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes, 72(3), 336-363.

URL     PMID:9606170      [本文引用: 2]

Individuals do not seek help, even when help is needed and available, because help seeking implies incompetence and dependence, and therefore is related to powerlessness. It was hypothesized that gender, status, and organizational norms affect the importance of maintaining and accruing power, which in turn affect help seeking behaviors. A laboratory and a field study showed that there was more help seeking between equal-status than unequal-status individuals. Further, both studies revealed that males sought more help in collective than individualistic organizational norms, though the trend was not apparent for females. These results shed light on the psychological mechanisms underlying help seeking behaviors and have practical implications for developing steps to foster help seeking in

Lee F. . (2002).

The social costs of seeking help.

The Journal of Applied Behavioral Science, 38(1), 17-35.

URL     [本文引用: 2]

Proactivelyseeking help from others involves “social costs” because the help seeker appears incompetent, dependent, and inferior to others. This article hypothesizes that these costs are especially threatening when the help seeker is male and in a male-oriented occupational role, when the helper is in a higher or lower status role than the help seeker, and when the task is novel and central to the organization’s core competence. A field study examined physician and nurse help seeking regarding a new computer system within a large hospital. The results showed that individuals reported less help seeking when theywere male, in male-oriented occupations, and when the task was central to the organization’s core competence. Perceived social costs mediated these effects.

Levine E., Hart J., Moore K., Rubin E., Yadav K., & Halpern S . (2018).

The surprising costs of silence: Asymmetric preferences for prosocial lies of commission and omission.

Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 114(1), 29-51.

URL     PMID:29094962      [本文引用: 2]

Across three experiments, we document a robust asymmetry between communicators’ and targets’ judgments of and preferences for deception. Communicators are more likely to focus on whether a particular communication tactic reflects a moral transgression, whereas targets are more likely to focus on whether a particular communication tactic helps or harms them. As a result, communicators often believe that omitting information is more ethical than telling a prosocial lie, whereas targets often believe the opposite. We document this asymmetry within the context of healthcare discussions, employee layoffs, and economic games, among both practitioners (i.e., oncologists and cancer patients) and lay people. We identify the moderators of and downstream consequences of this asymmetry. We conclude by discussing psychological and practical implications for medicine, management, behavioral ethics, and human communication.

Loewenstein G. . (1996).

Out of control: Visceral influences on behavior.

Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes, 65(3), 272-292.

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No abstract is available for this item.

Loewenstein G. . (2005).

Hot-cold empathy gaps and medical decision-making.

Health Psychology, 24(4S), S49-S56.

URL     PMID:16045419      [本文引用: 3]

Prior research has shown that people mispredict their own behavior and preferences across affective states. When people are in an affectively "cold" state, they fail to fully appreciate how "hot" states will affect their own preferences and behavior. When in hot states, they underestimate the influence of those states and, as a result, overestimate the stability of their current preferences. The same biases apply interpersonally; for example, people who are not affectively aroused underappreciate the impact of hot states on other people's behavior. After reviewing research documenting such intrapersonal and interpersonal hot-cold empathy gaps, this article examines their consequences for medical, and specifically cancer-related, decision making, showing, for example, that hot-cold empathy gaps can lead healthy persons to expose themselves excessively to health risks and can cause health care providers to undertreat patients for pain.

Lu J. Y., Xie X. F., & Xu J. Z . (2013).

Desirability or feasibility: Self-other decision-making differences.

Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 39(2), 144-155.

URL     PMID:23239813      [本文引用: 1]

Abstract Making decisions for the self and providing advice to others are common in daily life. The current research examines the differences in weight that people attach to desirability and feasibility when deciding for themselves versus others. Based on construal level theory, we propose that in a decision-making process, individuals who decide for others tend to focus more on desirability than on feasibility compared with those who decide for themselves. Across five experiments, the predicted self-other differences were observed in preference in the decision stage (Experiments 1a and 1b), information seeking in the predecision stage (Experiment 2), and information recall in the postdecision stage (Experiments 3a and 3b). These findings show that decision behaviors are determined by the decision target (i.e., for whom such decisions are made).

Marks G., & Miller N. (1987).

Ten years of research on the false-consensus effect: An empirical and theoretical review.

Psychological Bulletin, 102(1), 72-90.

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Markus H.R., & Kitayama S. (1991).

Culture and the self: Implications for cognition, emotion, and motivation.

Psychological Review, 98(2), 224-253.

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It is suggested that perceptions of the self, of others, and of the relationship between self and others are very powerful and that this influence is clearly reflected in culture. The independent view of the self, represented in Western culture, is contrasted with the interdependent view in many other cultures. (SLD)

McCullough M. E., Kilpatrick S. D., Emmons R. A., & Larson D. B . (2001).

Is gratitude a moral affect?

Psychological Bulletin, 127(2), 249-266.

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Newark D. A., Bohns V. K., & Flynn F. J . (2017).

A helping hand is hard at work: Help-seekers’ underestimation of helpers’ effort.

Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes, 139, 18-29.

URL     [本文引用: 3]

Whether people seek help depends on their estimations of both the likelihood and the value of getting it. Although past research has carefully examined how accurately help-seekers predict whether their help requests will be granted, it has failed to examine how accurately help-seekers predict the value of that help, should they receive it. In this paper, we focus on how accurately help-seekers predict a key determinant of help value, namely, helper effort. In four studies, we find that (a) helpers put more effort into helping than help-seekers expect (Studies 1–4); (b) people do not underestimate the effort others will expend in general, but rather only the effort others will expend helping them (Study 2); and (c) this underestimation of help effort stems from help-seekers’ failure to appreciate the discomfort—in particular, the guilt—that helpers would experience if they did not do enough to help (Studies 3 & 4).

Newark D. A., Flynn F. J., & Bohns V. K . (2014).

Once bitten, twice shy: The effect of a past refusal on expectations of future compliance.

Social Psychological and Personality Science, 5(2), 218-225.

URL     Magsci     [本文引用: 3]

Four studies examined help-seekers’ beliefs about how past refusals affect future compliance. In Study 1, help-seekers were more likely than potential helpers to believe that a previous refusal would lead a potential helper to deny a subsequent request of similar size. Study 2 replicated this effect and found that help-seekers underestimated the actual compliance rate of potential helpers who had previously refused to help. Studies 3 and 4 explain this asymmetry. Whereas potential helpers’ willingness to comply with a subsequent request stems from the discomfort of rejecting others not once, but twice, help-seekers rely on dispositional attributions of helpfulness to estimate the likelihood of hearing “yes” from someone who has previously told them "no".

Pollmann M. M.H., & Finkenauer C. (2009).

Empathic forecasting: How do we predict other people's feelings?

Cognition and Emotion, 23(5), 978-1001.

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When making affective forecasts, people commit the impact bias. They overestimate the impact an emotional event has on their affective experience. In three studies we show that people also commit the impact bias when making empathic forecasts, affective forecasts for someone else. They overestimate the impact an emotional event has on someone else's affective experience (Study 1), they do so for friends and strangers (Study 2), and they do so when other sources of information are available (Study 3). Empathic forecasting accuracy, the correlation between one person's empathic forecast and another person's actual affective experience, was lower than between-person forecasting correspondence, the correlation between one person's empathic forecast and another person's affective forecast. Empathic forecasts do not capture other people's actual experience very well but are similar to what other people forecast for themselves. This may enhance understanding between people.

Pronin E. . (2008).

How we see ourselves and how we see others.

Science, 320(5880), 1177-1180.

URL     PMID:18511681      [本文引用: 2]

People see themselves differently from how they see others. They are immersed in their own sensations, emotions, and congnitions at the same time that their experience of others is dominated by what can be observed externally. This basic asymmetry has broad consequences. It leads people to judge themselves and their own behavior differently from how they judge others and those others' behavior. Often, those differences produce disagreements and conflict. Understanding the psychological basis of those differences may help mitigate some of their negative effects.

Roberts G. . (1998).

Competitive altruism: From reciprocity to the handicap principle.

Proceedings of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences, 265(1394), 427-431.

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Current work on cooperation is focused on the theory of reciprocal altruism. However, reciprocity is just one way of getting a return on an investment in altruism and is difficult to apply to many examples. Reciprocity theory addresses how animals respond dynamically to others so as to cooperate without being exploited. I discuss how introducing differences in individual generosity together with partner choice into models of reciprocity can lead to an escalation in altruistic behaviour. Individuals may compete for the most altruistic partners and non-altruists may become ostracized. I refer to this phenomenon as competitive altruism and propose that it can represent a move away from the dynamic responsiveness of reciprocity. Altruism may be rewarded in kind, but rewards may be indirectly accrued or may not involve the return of altruism at all, for example if altruists tend to be chosen as mates. This variety makes the idea of competitive altruism relevant to behaviours which cannot be explained by reciprocity. I consider whether altruism might act as a signal of quality, as proposed by the handicap principle. I suggest that altruistic acts could make particularly effective signals because of the inherent benefits to receivers. I consider how reciprocity and competitive altruism are related and how they may be distinguished.

Roghanizad M.M., &Bohns V.K . (2017).

Ask in person: You’re less persuasive than you think over email.

Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 69, 223-226.

Rosenzweig E., &Critcher C.R . (2014).

Decomposing forecasting: The salience-assessment-weighting (SAW) model.

Current Directions in Psychological Science, 23(5), 368-373.

Magsci     [本文引用: 2]

The act of forecasting one's behavior or performance is both commonplace and consequential, but it is also difficult. Previous research has identified a host of systematic forecasting errors. We suggest that existing findings can be better synthesized, and future research can proceed in a less piecemeal fashion, through the introduction of a general model that describes how forecasts unfold. In our salience-assessment-weighting (SAW) model, we outline three steps that describe how people translate information at their disposal into an accurate forecast of a future outcome. Dimensions potentially relevant to the outcome become salient; one's standing on that dimension must be accurately assessed; and one must appropriately weight the importance of that dimension to translate it into a forecast. We illustrate how this SAW model is helpful in unifying previous research findings, identifying how and when forecasts go astray, and suggesting questions for future research.

Ross L., Greene D., & House P . (1977).

The “false consensus effect”: An egocentric bias in social perception and attribution processes.

Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 13(3), 279-301.

URL    

Evidence from four studies demonstrates that social observers tend to perceive a “false consensus” with respect to the relative commonness of their own responses. A related bias was shown to exist in the observers' social inferences. Thus, raters estimated particular responses to be relatively common and relatively unrevealing concerning the actors' distinguishing personal dispositions when the responses in question were similar to the raters' own responses; responses differing from those of the rater, by contrast, were perceived to be relatively uncommon and revealing of the actor. These results were obtained both in questionnaire studies presenting subjects with hypothetical situations and choices and in authentic conflict situations. The implications of these findings for our understanding of social perception phenomena and for our analysis of the divergent perceptions of actors and observers are discussed. Finally, cognitive and perceptual mechanisms are proposed which might account for distortions in perceived consensus and for corresponding biases in social inference and attributional processes.

Ross M., & Sicoly F. (1979).

Egocentric biases in availability and attribution.

Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 37(3), 322-336.

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ABSTRACT Conducted 5 experiments to assess biases in availability of information in memory and attributions of responsibility for the actions and decisions that occurred during a previous group interaction. The S populations sampled included naturally occurring discussion groups (of undergraduates), 37 married couples, 74 female and 84 male players on intercollegiate basketball teams, and groups of undergraduates assembled in the laboratory. Data provide consistent evidence for egocentric biases in availability and attribution: The S's own contributions to a joint product were more readily available, i.e., more frequently and easily recalled, and Ss accepted more responsibility for a group product than other participants attributed to them. In addition, statements attributed to the self were recalled more accurately and the availability bias was attenuated, though not eliminated, when the group product was negatively evaluated. When another S's contributions were made more available to the S via a selective retrieval process, this S allocated correspondingly more responsibility for the group decisions to the coparticipant. The determinants and pervasiveness of the egocentric biases are considered. (27 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)

Schroeder J., Waytz A., & Epley N . (2017).

Endorsing help for others that you oppose for yourself: Mind perception alters the perceived effectiveness of paternalism.

Journal of Experimental Psychology-General, 146(8), 1106-1125.

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Author(s): Schroeder, J; Waytz, A; Epley, N

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Some determinants of gratitude.

Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 9(3), 233-236.

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Chapter three-Changing places: A dual judgment model of empathy gaps in emotional perspective taking.

Advances in Experimental Social Psychology, 48, 117-171.

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Emotional perspective taking involves people's attempts to estimate the attitudes, preferences, and behaviors of other people who are in different emotional situations. We propose a dual judgment model in which perspective takers first predict what their own reactions would be to different emotional situations, and, second, adjust these self-predictions to accommodate perceived differences between themselves and others. Prior literature has focused on egocentric biases in the second judgment, perceived differences and similarities between the self and others. We propose that significant errors in emotional perspective taking often arise from the first judgment, people’s predictions of what their own attitudes, preferences, and behaviors would be in different emotional situations. Specifically, people exhibit “empathy gaps,” underestimating how much emotional situations influence their own attitudes, preferences, and behaviors. We review evidence that provides support for (a) the dual judgment model of emotional perspective taking, (b) the occurrence of empathy gaps in self-predictions, and (c) the occurrence of empathy gaps in social predictions that are mediated by empathy gaps in self-judgments. We discuss implications of empathy gaps in emotional perspective taking for social behavior, social judgment, and for other forms of perspective taking and affective forecasting.

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Wilson T.D., &Gilbert D.T . (2005).

Affective forecasting: Knowing what to want.

Current Directions in Psychological Science, 14(3), 131-134.

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Wilson T., & Gilbert D. (2013).

The impact bias is alive and well.

Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 105(5), 740-748.

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A substantial body of research on affective forecasting has found that people often overestimate the affective impact of future events. Levine, Lench, Kaplan, and Safer (2012) argued that whereas people may overestimate the duration of their emotional responses, they do not overestimate the initial intensity of these responses as much as previous research has suggested. We suggest that Levine et al. (a) failed to review or include in their meta-analysis many studies that directly contradict their claim, (b) used a faulty classification scheme, (c) collapsed across conditions that were meant to (and did) produce opposing effects, and (d) miscoded some of the studies they did include. When these errors are corrected, their claim is clearly not supported. Levine et al. also reported the results of 4 studies, which are open to alternative explanations. The impact bias is alive and well.

Yang A.X., & Urminsky O. (2015).

Smile-seeking givers and value-seeking recipients: Why gift choices and recipient preferences diverge. Available at SSRN:

27332015). Smile-seeking givers and value-seeking recipients: Why gift choices and recipient preferences diverge. Available at SSRN: or

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Yu H. B., Gao X. X., Zhou Y. Y., & Zhou X. L . (2018).

Decomposing gratitude: Representation and integration of cognitive antecedents of gratitude in the brain.

Journal of Neuroscience, 38(21), 4886-4898.

URL     PMID:29735557      [本文引用: 1]

Abstract Gratitude is a typical social-moral emotion that plays a crucial role in maintaining human cooperative interpersonal relationship. Although neural correlates of gratitude have been investigated, the neurocognitive processes that lead to gratitude, namely, the representation and integration of its cognitive antecedents, remain largely unknown. Here, we combined fMRI and a human social interactive task to investigate how benefactor's cost and beneficiary's benefit, two critical antecedents of gratitude, are encoded and integrated in beneficiary's brain, and how the neural processing of gratitude is converted to reciprocity. A coplayer decided whether to help a human participant (either male or female) avoid pain at his/her own monetary cost; the participants could transfer monetary points to the benefactor with the knowledge that the benefactor was unaware of this transfer. By independently manipulating monetary cost and the degree of pain reduction, we could identify the neural signatures of benefactor's cost and recipient's benefit and examine how they were integrated. Recipient's self-benefit was encoded in reward-sensitive regions (e.g., ventral striatum), whereas benefactor-cost was encoded in regions associated with mentalizing (e.g., temporoparietal junction). Gratitude was represented in perigenual anterior cingulate cortex (pgACC), the strength of which correlated with trait gratitude. Dynamic causal modeling showed that the neural signals representing benefactor-cost and self-benefit passed to pgACC via effective connectivities, suggesting an integrative role of pgACC in generating gratitude. Moreover, gyral ACC plays an intermediary role in converting gratitude representation into reciprocal behaviors. Our findings provide a neural mechanistic account of gratitude and its role in social-moral life. SIGNIFICANCE STATEMENT Gratitude plays an integral role in subjective well-being and harmonious interpersonal relationships. However, the neurocognitive processes through which various components and antecedents of gratitude are integrated remain largely unknown. We developed a new interpersonal paradigm to independently and parametrically manipulate two antecedents of gratitude in a helping context, namely, the benefit to beneficiary and the cost to benefactor, to examine their representation and integration in the beneficiary's brain using fMRI. We found the neural encoding of self-benefit and benefactor-cost in reward- and mentalizing-related brain areas, respectively. More importantly, by examining effective connectivity, we showed that these componential signals are passed to perigenual anterior cingulate cortex, which tracks trial-by-trial gratitude levels. Our study thus provides a neural mechanistic account of gratitude.

Zhang Y., & Epley N. (2009).

Self-centered social exchange: Differential use of costs versus benefits in prosocial reciprocity.

Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 97(5), 796-810.

URL     PMID:19857002      [本文引用: 2]

Maintaining equitable social relations often requires reciprocating "in kind" for others' prosocial favors. Such in-kind reciprocity requires assessing the value of a prosocial action, an assessment that can lead to egocentric biases in perceived value between favor givers versus favor receivers. In any prosocial exchange, 1 person (the giver) incurs a cost to provide a benefit for another person (the receiver). Six experiments suggest that givers may attend more to the costs they incur in performing a prosocial act than do receivers, who tend to focus relatively more on the benefits they receive. Givers may therefore expect to be reciprocated on the basis of the costs they incur, whereas receivers actually reciprocate primarily on the basis of the benefit they receive. This research identifies 1 challenge to maintaining a sense of equity in social relations and predicts when people are likely to feel fairly versus unfairly valued in their relationships.

Zhang Z. X., Zhang Y. , & Wang, M.(2011) . Harmony, illusory relationship costs, and conflict resolution in Chinese contexts. In A. K.-Y. Leung, C-Y. Chiu & Y-Y. Hong (Eds.), (2011). Cultural processes: A social psychological perspective (pp. 188-212). Cambridge University Press.

[本文引用: 1]

Zhou H., Majka E. A., & Epley N . (2017).

Inferring perspective versus getting perspective: Underestimating the value of being in another person's shoes.

Psychological Science, 28(4), 482-493.

URL     PMID:28406380      [本文引用: 1]

react-text: 339 Millikan contrasts her substance-based view of concepts with “descriptionism” according to which description determines what falls under a concept. Focusing on her discussion of the role of language in the acquisition of concepts, I argue that descriptions cannot be separated from perception in the ways Millikan's view requires. /react-text react-text: 340 /react-text

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