集体记忆概念的提出, 改变了长期以来记忆研究的个人主义传统, 开辟了从社会学视角研究记忆问题的新思路。这一概念是Halbwachs (1925)于20世纪初期根据社会群体在提供“个体”理解记忆的编码和检索方面的重要性而提出的, 他在继承其老师埃米尔•涂尔干“集体意识”的思想基础上, 深入阐述了集体记忆的社会本质, 认为“个人记忆只有从社会群体的角度理解才有可能” (Halbwachs, 1992)。依循这一思路, 在过去将近30年的时间里, 集体记忆研究逐渐确定了以社会学为主导的研究传统(Olick, 1999; Kansteiner, 2002), 而集体记忆的心理学研究则处于边缘化态势。一方面由于心理学注重个人主义的研究方法, 关注于个体记忆的研究, 在某种程度上似乎与集体记忆的社会品质格格不入; 另一方面, 集体记忆的研究存在“滥用记忆” (Berliner, 2005)的情况, 常与“社会记忆”、“集体回忆”、“国家记忆”、“公共记忆”等混用, 并与“表征”、“意识形态”、“叙事”、“话语”和“意义创造”等诸多概念相关联(de Saint-Laurent, 2018), Gillis (1994)指出：“集体记忆似乎正在失去精确的意义, 与对其不断增长的修辞力量成正比”, 由于呈现出跨学科研究的特点, 也导致了其在心理学研究的长期缺位。
在深入理解集体记忆的社会学本质基础上, 近十多年来, 集体记忆心理学家研究日渐繁荣, 不仅为我们理解集体记忆的可塑性提供了一个认知框架, 也为推动集体记忆研究的跨学科对话, 科学、全面地认识集体记忆的形成奠定了理论基础。受集体记忆社会学研究传统的影响, 自2000年以后, 中国学界围绕国家权力视角、社会群体视角和历史变迁视角(钱力成, 张翮翾, 2015), 也开展了大量集体记忆的研究, 极大丰富了集体记忆研究的本土理论体系, 但遗憾的是, 集体记忆心理学研究却处于缺席的状态, 相比西方学界有很大差距。本文通过对西方学界集体记忆心理学研究文献的梳理, 对相关的研究语境、脉络、思路以及最新成果等进行了系统总结, 期待为我国集体记忆研究提供理论借鉴与启示。
1 从对立到调和：集体记忆心理学研究的困境与转向
集体记忆分为“世界中(in the world)”和“头脑中(in the head)的记忆” (Hirst & Manier, 2008)。这一分类与Assmann和Czaplicka (1995)提出的“交流记忆”和“文化记忆”概念遥相呼应, 其中, “世界中”的记忆指向社会学研究传统, 将集体记忆视为“由社会维护的公开可用的符号组成” (Olick, 1999; Olick et al., 2011), 突出强调这些符号形成的社会结构性条件以及由此产生的“公共叙事”。而将集体记忆定位于“头脑中”的记忆研究, 则凸显了集体记忆的心理学趋向。心理学家认为, 集体记忆虽然由“集体创造”, 但承载记忆的却只能是个人, 对个体记忆的研究应该是系统地探索集体记忆的核心(Kligler-Vilenchik et al., 2014), 因此, 集体记忆归根到底不在“世界中”, 而在个体的“头脑中”, 是一种“共享的个体记忆” (Hirst & Manier, 2008; Wertsch & Roediger, 2008), 但这一界定却容易被误解为“集合的记忆” (collectived memory), 抹杀了集体记忆与身份的关联性, 也忽略了社会制度的“生活”往往超出了其个体成员的贡献(Olick, 1999)。此外, 心理学过分关注个体内部心理过程, 强调实证主义的研究方法, 也普遍受到了强调主观导向的社会科学家的批评。Kansteiner (2002)认为, 在讨论集体记忆这样明显的社会性事物时, 借用心理学概念是很危险的。
从内涵界定到方法之争, 集体记忆心理学研究虽一度陷入困境, 但从20世纪末开始, 拓展思维(Clark & Chalmers, 1998)的提出及其在心理学领域的运用, 极大推动了集体记忆心理学的发展。拓展思维(extended mind)强调人们所有的认知和行动源于个体内部与外部之间的互动, 实现了对“世界中”和“头脑中”的集体记忆的调和。首先, 从个体角度看, 记忆被视为大脑和外在世界之间互动的产物, 每个人在与外界互动的过程中都有各自的记忆方式, 如果每个人记忆模式趋同, 就可以理解为集体记忆; 其次, 从社会角度看, 作为社会“公共可用的符号”, 则意味着社会(权威)重组了世界, 以便社会更好地记忆(Coman et al., 2009), 其根本目的就是通过社会创造和维护的人工制品去推动集体记忆的形成, 而这种记忆的形成, 正是个体间交流、互动和共享的结果, 并与特定的社群成员身份密切关联。在此意义上, 集体记忆不仅是一种符号表征, 更是一种“与群体身份相关联的共享的个体记忆” (Hirst & Manier, 2008; Wertsch & Roediger, 2008), 而关于“世界中”和“头脑中”记忆的分类以及集体记忆的社会学与心理学界定应被视为同一枚硬币的两面, 二者相辅相成。可以说, 通过“拥抱”记忆的社会品质, 集体记忆获得了更为合理与科学的解释, 也促进了心理学研究的勃兴。
2 从形成到维护：集体记忆研究的两种主要方式
作为一种“共享的个体记忆”, 集体记忆心理学研究的目的是揭示一种记忆如何被广大的社群成员所共享的, 在此意义上, 集体记忆类似于一种“流行病”。因为一种记忆要成为集体记忆, 首要前提是它必须在人群中传播, 且围绕着对过去的共同描述而聚合, 并随着时间的推移而保持稳定(Hirst & Manier, 2008; Sperber & Hirschfeld, 2004)。如同流行病学专家需要研究疾病在人群中的传播一样, 集体记忆研究也需要厘清记忆在社群中传播的影响因素与作用机制。正是基于这种“传染性”机制的思考, 心理学视角下的集体记忆研究也被隐喻为流行病学项目(Hirst & Manier, 2008), 其形成与维护也被类比为疾病的流行与传播过程, 而为何某些社群会感染疾病而其他社却群却免疫的问题以及其在不同群体的传染规模与维持时间长短的问题则被转义为集体记忆形成与维护的有效性问题, 并由此延伸出对集体记忆表征与特点、集体记忆的形成与维护的认知过程、个体记忆与集体记忆的关系、集体记忆的代际传承、集体记忆与身份认同以及文化符号与实践的有效性等问题的深入探讨。
研究方式的不同决定了研究方法的差异, 目前关于集体记忆心理学的研究主要有4种方法。调查法通常被运用于“自上而下”的研究去识别既有的记忆; 实验法被广泛运用于“自下而上”的研究去揭示记忆的形成; 基于扩展思维的社会互动主义视角, 系统的研究方法则被用于全面分析集体记忆形成的复杂机制, 此外, 为了减少实验环境中的人为因素干扰, 更加注重生态有效性的方法也被广泛使用(Hirst & Manier, 2008)。
2.1 自下而上：在“对话”中记忆
集体记忆的形成是记忆的传递与聚合的过程, 离不开个体间的对话与交流。采用“自下而上”的研究方式, 通过研究对话对“他人记忆的影响”和对“自身记忆的影响”两个维度,记忆形成的复杂机制被广泛探讨。其中, “对他人记忆的影响”主要揭示了社会传染和检索诱发遗忘机制; “对自身记忆的影响”则主要揭示了共享现实在集体记忆中的作用机制。另外, 为揭示集体记忆的聚合与规模问题, 记忆的网络聚合机制也得到广泛探讨。
2.1.1 对话影响“他人”的记忆
(1)社会传染
社会传染是指记忆通过社会互动从一个人传播到另一个人(Roediger et al., 2001)。目前, 国外心理学家不仅在严格控制的对话实验中验证了集体记忆的社会传染效果(Basden et al., 1997; Gabbert et al., 2003; Wright et al., 2000), 也在自由流动的对话情境中进一步验证了其影响(Cuc et al., 2006; Gabbert et al., 2003)。除此之外, 一种特殊的社会传染——记忆的植入现象也得到验证(Meade & Roediger, 2002; Gabbert et al., 2011)。Choi等人(2017)通过对呈现虚假信息后参与者的回忆进行研究发现, 对话不仅能让人们对真实发生的事件产生记忆偏差, 也可以对从未发生的事件产生虚构和错误的记忆。
社会传染虽然可以被视为集体记忆的形成机制, 但其作用的强度与产生的效果与对话中参与者的个体特征、事件的性质、角色定位和权力有密切关联。
4)权力对集体记忆有着重要影响。在集体记忆的社会学研究中, 权力的重要性不言而喻。研究人员通过将“专业知识”类比为权力, 而将“警告”类比为对权力的抵抗, 探讨了权力对集体记忆作用的心理机制。专业知识的社会传染效应得到了广泛验证(Gabbert et al., 2003; Wright et al., 2000), 这源于它在信息的源监控方面发挥着决定作用, 能有效增加听众对说话者的信任程度(Hirst & Echterhoff, 2008)。考虑到在对话语境中, 专家既可以作为专业知识的代表, 也可同时扮演着主导叙述者角色, 从而对集体记忆产生综合影响, 为揭示这种交互效应, Brown等人(2009)研究发现, 相对于2人配对的小组实验, 在3~4人的对话实验中, 专业知识的影响力有所下降, 而主导叙述者的影响得到进一步提升。
对权力的抵制可以被视为限制权力塑造集体记忆的能力。研究人员通常采用“事后预警”和“事前警告”两种方式, 让听众意识到说话者所说的话可能会误导他们, 进而对个体抵制的心理效应进行了验证。研究发现, 两者均能有效抑制社会传染, 且事后警告的效果比事前预警更为明显, 但事后警告会让听众增加对最初信息的错误拒绝, 从而使记忆出现偏差, 而事前预警在某些情况下却会导致增加传染的可能, 这取决于交流中是否存在主导叙述者以及听众的记忆力水平, 主导叙述者的存在或听众的记忆水平较差, 会让他们难以区分谈话内容和原始材料, 从而对错误信息产生更大的社会传染(Echterhoff, Hirst, & Hussy, 2005; Echterhoff et al., 2007)。
(2)检索诱发遗忘
对话不仅能强化“记忆”, 也会导致对未提及信息的“遗忘”, 并成为一种形成集体记忆的重要机制。当遗忘发生在“说话人”身上时, 这种现象被称为个体内检索诱发的遗忘(retrieval-induced fogetting, RIF)。在大量的实验中, 西方心理学家通过选择不同的刺激材料, 均验证了RIF效果(Ciranni & Shimamura, 1999; Anderson et al., 1994; Barnier et al., 2004)。这一原因与个体因欺骗听众、避免心理压力和社会禁忌等而选择性遗漏相关信息不同, Anderson等人(1994)认为, RIF的产生是由于人们对一种记忆检索时, 通常会诱发其他相关记忆的出现, 而为了成功检索, 主体必须对相关的记忆进行竞争性抑制, 由于这种抑制会持续一段时间, 因此, 个体将在随后的记忆中会对相关记忆产生遗忘。
伴随着这种“传染性”遗忘机制的扩展, 当遗忘发生在“听众”身上时, 就发展为社会共享检索诱发的遗忘(social-shared retrieval-induced fogetting, SS-RIF) (Cuc et al., 2007; Stone et al., 2010; Stone et al., 2013)。依循RIF相似的研究范式, 心理学家通过选择不同的刺激材料对SS-RIF进行了验证, 并揭示了其心理学机制(Stone & Jay, 2019)。Cuc等人(2007)认为SS-RIF的产生可能是引发了听众与说话者的同步检索, 从而产生同样的抑制并诱发遗忘。值得关注的是, SS-RIF现象不仅发生于回忆者与听众共同经历事件, 也发生于非共同经历的事件, 回忆者的讲述方式可能会影响听众的回忆方式。Coman等人(2009)通过对“美国9•11事件”的回忆测试验证了回忆者的经历对听众“闪光灯记忆”的影响。虽然SS-RIF可以被证明是一种通过引发集体遗忘而建立集体记忆的方法, 但这种效果并不总是产生, 它的产生与听众的目标有关, 当听众的目标是监测说话人准确性时, 他们会表现出诱导性遗忘, 但如果是监测说话人讲话的流畅性时则不然(Cuc et al., 2007)。
2.1.2 对话影响“自身”的记忆
对话不仅能通过社会传染和检索诱发遗忘影响听众的记忆, 也会对说话者自身的记忆产生影响, 这可以通过说话者和听众之间的社会关系来调节。Higgins和Rholes (1978)通过“说即是信(Saying-Is-Believing)”的实验, 发现了共享现实理论。他们发现, 说话者在对话中会根据听众的态度主动调整自己的复述, 以与听众的态度相一致, 正是这种“受众调整”, 导致说话者对自己所说的话“坚信不疑”并与听众的记忆趋同。这一原因在于说话者出于关系和认知动机, 会被激励与听众创造一个“共享现实”, 以体验“关于世界的内在状态的共同性” (Echterhoff et al., 2009)。其中, 关系动机指的是与他人建立联系的需要, 这能为个体带来积极的后果, 如情绪健康、安全感和自尊; 认知动机指的是追求意义的努力(the effort after meaning)——个体需要知道并获得对世界和自己的可靠理解(Bartlett, 1932), 认知动机的强度会随着个体对目标的不确定性或模糊性而增加, 通常说话者为减少信息的不确定性, 会提高认知动机强度, 进而建立与听众一致的心理表征。
共享现实虽然有助于记忆围绕着共享的过去而汇聚, 但这一过程的实现有两个重要的前提条件。一是讲话者需要具有与听众创建共享现实的动机, 并且这种动机应该是内在的而非外在的; 二是讲话者需要成功地体验到创建共享现实的过程。讲话者的共享体验会因听众的负面反应而受挫(Echterhoff, Higgins, & Groll, 2005), 在听众没有动机与讲话者共同检索信息时, 讲话者记住的内容与听众可能不同(Cuc et al., 2007; Drost-Lopez & Coman, 2018)。共享现实一旦建立, 不仅可以增强人们记忆的信心(Wells & Bradfield, 1998; Higgins et al., 2010), 对事件更具记忆力(Gable et al., 2004), 而且有利于人们形成并维持其特定的社会身份(Hirst, 2010; Reis et al., 2010; Conley et al., 2010; Hardin & Conley, 2001)。反过来, 这也声明了共享现实建立的身份条件, 当与内群体(相比外群体)成员讨论模棱两可的话题时, 个人倾向于传递与听众态度一致的信息(Echterhoff et al., 2009), 这不仅揭示了刻板印象的成因(Lyons & Kashima, 2003), 也从侧面印证了集体记忆的身份关联性。
2.1.3 记忆的聚合与规模
集体记忆的形成是个体记忆从传输再到聚合的过程, 也是记忆不断实现“共享”的过程, 其中“对话”是创造共享记忆的重要手段。如果将“对话”视为社会交流的一部分, 那么随着对话的深入以及由此而产生的心理机制, 它就会重塑一个社群的集体记忆, 这种记忆不仅可以是由家庭讨论形成的家庭记忆, 也可以是在公开演讲中形成的公共记忆, 甚至扩大到围绕着某些事件讨论而形成的国家与历史记忆。目前集体记忆心理学研究虽以“两人配对”的对话语境为主, 但为了进一步检验相关机制在大群体中的适用性, 心理学家扩大了样本范围, 不仅验证了记忆的聚合现象, 而且揭示了其形成的原因以及群体规模、网络结构特征等对记忆产生的影响(Stone et al., 2010; Coman et al., 2012; Coman et al., 2016)。
2.2 自上而下：在记忆中“对话”
集体记忆一旦形成, 必须长期保持稳定, 才能被称为集体记忆。记忆的维护虽然受个体生物机制以及社会资源和实践的共同影响, 但个体与这些记忆的持续“对话”才是记忆存续的根本动力。“自上而下(top-down)”的记忆研究不仅涉及具有历史和国家重要性的个人记忆, 包含家庭记忆、世代记忆等, 也包含教科书、电影、纪念碑、神话与民间故事等形塑的文化记忆, 因此, 不仅需要系统探讨交流记忆的稳定性机制, 也需要揭示文化记忆有效性的一般原则。
2.2.1 记忆维护的心理原则
交流记忆是一种“活”的记忆, 人们记忆的深刻程度与事件的性质和个体的心理机制密切相关。关于事件的性质, 研究发现, 人们的交流记忆通常会包含一些独特的人物(英雄、小人和傻瓜等) (Licata & Klein, 2010); 对灾难性和具有历史进步性的事件记忆深刻; 高度结构化的材料比结构松散的材料更容易被记住(Rubin, 1997); 相比遥远的历史事件, 人们也倾向于以更加情景化、个体化的方式对“活”的历史事件进行描述(Schuman & Scott, 1989)。此外, 人们对自身经历事件的记忆会更加鲜活和具体, 例如, 经历二战的人往往会记住特定事件, 而其他人则倾向于将战争置于更大的范围内回忆(Zaromb et al., 2014)。记忆的保留时间也与个体记忆的心理机制密切相关, 关于美国总统的回忆或再认实验表明, 人们在实验中表现出的记忆与遗忘模式与经典的记忆研究(标准的序列位置曲线和传统的幂函数遗忘曲线)相契合(Roediger & DeSoto, 2014), 而人们的错误识别也反映了熟悉度和误报率之间的密切关系(Roediger & DeSoto, 2016)。
文化记忆作为“世界中”的记忆, 长期以来是社会学研究的重点。但集体记忆心理学对文化记忆稳定性机制的探讨与社会学侧重于对传统的发明(Hobsbawm & Ranger, 1983)、记忆的政治(Bronkhorst, 1995; Hodgkin & Radstone, 2003; Rosenberg, 1995)和记忆的历史(Assmann, 1997)中的权力、习俗等关注不同, 它基于社会互动主义视角和拓展思维, 从个体接受的视角, 旨在探讨不同文化符号被个体建构与维持的心理机制。Zaromb等人(2014)通过研究美国老年人和年轻人对内战、二战和伊拉克战争的记忆程度, 发现他们第一次的记忆有55%来源于教科书, 这一方面可能与个体的检索能力有关, 个体检索过去的次数越多, 他们保留信息的时间就越长; 另一方面, 也可能源于叙事图式(Wertsch, 2002)的影响, 个体按教科书中的叙事方式形成与保留了他们的记忆。电影对集体的维持也起着重要作用, 不仅能强化个体正确的记忆, 也能强化错误的记忆(Stone & Jay, 2019), 这可能与虚拟对话中的社会传染与检索诱发遗忘机制密切关联。另外, 为揭示特定社群中神话与民间故事等文化“吸引物”广为流传的原因, 心理学家通过跨文化研究发现“与最大程度反直觉叙事相比, 最小程度的反直觉叙事更容易被记住” (Norenzayan et al., 2006), 由此产生的认知粘性, 成为某些文化现象广为流传的重要原因。
2.2.2 记忆与身份
记忆必须与身份相关才是真正的集体记忆。由于个体和集体在建构对过去的文化理解时相互影响(Assmann & Czaplicka, 1995; Schejter, 2009; Zerubavel, 1996), 因此, 对集体记忆的研究不仅要关注个体, 也要关注集体(Hirst & Manier, 2008), 从而使记忆与身份的关联性成为解释集体记忆稳定性的一个重要视角。目前关于记忆维护的稳定性研究主要聚焦于“创伤记忆”。Brown等人(2009)发现, 来自经历了重大历史转变国家的个人相比没有类似经历的个人更可能以历史术语(如：“它发生在战争之前”)来标定个人事件的日期; Hirst等人(2018)发现, 个体对自己国家重大历史事件的记忆存在“闪光灯记忆”现象(例如：美国人对9•11的记忆), 既使人们没有直接经历过该事件, 但通过学习形成的自传记忆也能够使他们成为该事件的“见证者”, 并对自己的记忆置信无疑, 同时, 将“灾难性”事件确定为最重要的公民相比将“进步性”事件视为最重要的公民更愿意为自己的国家而战。除了创伤记忆, 记忆与身份的关联性在代际传承中也被深入探讨, Fivush等人(2011)指出, 家庭记忆的代际传递有利于孩子与父母建立更为牢固的联系, 提高其幸福水平; Svob等人(2016)检验了父母的战争记忆对孩子身份的影响。
2.2.3 世代记忆的维持与变迁
记忆的代际传递是维持记忆的重要手段, 目前西方学界对世代记忆的维持时间和准确性进行了广泛研究。在维持时间方面, Stone等人(2014)通过对三代比利时家庭的研究发现, 个人对历史相关记忆的传递在很大程度上仅限于一代; 有的学者则认为, 代际传递的时限与不同代人在谈论过去时的会话角色和动态有关, 在某些情况下, 交际记忆至少可以在三代人传递并保持稳定(Stone & Jay, 2019)。在记忆的准确性方面, 记忆的建构性观点得到了印证。Welzer (2005)发现, 年轻一代对他们祖父在二战期间的纳粹经历, 存在明显的“英雄化”扭曲现象。关于记忆失真的原因, 一方面可能与特定社会群体的叙事图式有关, 他们在叙述过程中会通过积极地、有选择地回忆而使消极的社会表征被最小化(Sahdra & Ross, 2007), 并潜移默化地形塑个体的记忆模式; 另一方面, 也可能源于代际差异, 研究发现, 每一代人都将青春期晚期至成年早期发生的历史事件称为“最重要的事件” (Hirst et al., 2018), 不同的世代以不同的方式表征着过去。
3 结语与展望
拓展思维的社会互动主义视角极大推动了集体记忆心理学研究的转向, 而集体记忆的流行病学隐喻, 则顺应了这种研究视角的需要, 正视了集体记忆始于社会因素和心理因素不可分离的前提, 不仅实现了“世界中”与“头脑中”记忆的调和, 将交流记忆与文化记忆纳入研究范畴, 也进一步凸显了对“个体-集体”生成过程的关注, 使集体记忆作为广泛“共享的个人记忆”的内涵进一步凸显, 并与身份问题紧密关联。随着集体记忆心理学研究的不断深入, 集体记忆有效性的心理机制即形成与维护研究构成了相关研究的主线。
在形成性研究方面, 心理学家以“对话”为研究语境, 采用“自下而上”的思路, 通过对社会传染、检索诱发遗忘以及共享现实等机制的探讨, 系统揭示了集体记忆“从个体到集体”的演变过程, 不仅印证了记忆变动不居的特点, 也打开了我们从心理学视角观察集体记忆“共享性”、“遗忘性”、“传染性”等表征的窗口。在记忆维护方面, 聚焦于既存的记忆, 国外心理学家采用“自上而下”的思路, 深刻阐释了记忆的稳定性机制与一般心理原则, 并通过对记忆与身份、认同问题的分析, 进一步阐释了集体记忆的内在本质, 即身份关联性, 而对文化记忆的关照, 在拓展集体记忆心理学研究视域的同时, 也拉近了与社会学、历史学、传播学等学科的对话距离。
从形成到维护, 虽然集体记忆心理学打开了从“接受”视角研究集体记忆的新思路, 但由于其研究起步较晚, 仍有诸多问题有待进一步探究。1)深入推进对“世界中”记忆的有效性心理机制的探讨。目前关于集体记忆的心理学研究无论在研究思路和研究方法方面主要针对“头脑中”的记忆, 即侧重于交流记忆的研究, 而对文化记忆的研究仍显不足。作为一种“公开可用的符号”, 不同符号资源对集体记忆的影响与表现必然千差万别, 这就为文化记忆稳定性的探索留下了广阔空间。一方面, 除了教科书、学校、历史电影、神话与民间故事等公共符号外, 还存在博物馆、纪念碑、纪念馆或其他大量符号资源有待心理学家深入研究; 另一方面, 由于文化记忆的效果依赖于个体的评价、接受与反馈, 因此, 心理学对这些符号资源有效性的判断必然有别于社会学视野, 毕竟在现实生活中有些符号能形成集体记忆, 而有些符号却不利于集体记忆的形成或稳定, 即使面对相同的符号, 不同个体的记忆表征也会千差万别, 并与群体特征和身份特性紧密关联。在未来的研究中, 需要依据不同符号资源的特性, 揭示文化记忆的心理机制, 探讨个体心理接受的普遍原则, 并深入探究文化记忆背后的身份关联性。
2)不断加强社交网络记忆研究。随着媒介技术的变革与发展, 记忆开始在社交网络中产生、储存和恢复, 形成了Hoskins (2009)所说的“社交网络记忆”, 由此而引发的“对话”环境的变迁, 不仅模糊了交流记忆与文化记忆的本质, 也改变了集体记忆形成与维护的心理机制。深入推进社交网络环境中集体记忆的研究, 探究社交网络记忆表征的新特点, 揭示其建立的边界条件以及形成与维护的心理机制, 需要对社会传染机制、检索诱发遗忘、共享现实等心理机制进行重新检验。这不仅涉及信息传播的内容、交流的目标等对记忆的影响, 还涉及网络化交流语境下记忆网络聚合的广度与深度、记忆与身份的关联性以及网络信息存储的长久性对世代记忆的影响等问题。此外, 对社交网络记忆中数字化的“公开可用的符号”的研究, 也必然有别于传统的文化记忆研究, 从而对集体记忆心理学研究提出更高地挑战与要求。
3)加快推进集体记忆心理学的本土理论研究。集体记忆反映着一个群体当下的价值观和规范, 不仅接续传统、连接文化, 更关涉身份, 指向未来, 因此, 对民族国家的意义不言而喻。相比西方集体记忆心理学研究, 我国相关研究还尚未起步。结合我国独特的社会与文化背景, 科学借鉴拓展思维的社会互动主义视角, 充分整合“头脑中”和“世界中”的记忆, 以实证的方法推进集体记忆的流行病学研究, 是建立集体记忆心理学本土理论一条的重要路径。
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Collective memory: The two cultures
DOI:10.1111/0735-2751.00083 URL [本文引用: 3]
Introduction
In J. K. Olick, V. Vinitzky-Seroussi, & D. Levy (Eds.),
Are you happy for me? How sharing positive events with others provides personal and interpersonal benefits
DOI:10.1037/a0018344 URL [本文引用: 1]
Forgetting the presidents
DOI:10.1126/science.1259627
PMID:25430768
[本文引用: 1]
Two studies examined how U.S. presidents are forgotten. A total of 415 undergraduates in 1974, 1991, and 2009 recalled as many presidents as possible and attempted to place them in their correct ordinal positions. All showed roughly linear forgetting of the eight or nine presidents prior to the president holding office at the time, and recall of presidents without respect to ordinal position also showed a regular pattern of forgetting. Similar outcomes occurred with 497 adults (ages 18 to 69) tested in 2014. We fit forgetting functions to the data to predict when six relatively recent presidents will recede in memory to the level of most middle presidents (e.g., we predict that Truman will be forgotten to the same extent as McKinley by about 2040). These studies show that forgetting from collective memory can be studied empirically, as with forgetting in other forms of memory. Copyright © 2014, American Association for the Advancement of Science.
Recognizing the presidents: Was Alexander Hamilton president?
DOI:10.1177/0956797616631113
PMID:27044319
[本文引用: 1]
Studies over the past 40 years have shown that Americans can recall about half the U.S. presidents. Do people know the presidents even though they are unable to access them for recall? We investigated this question using the powerful cues of a recognition test. Specifically, we tested the ability of 326 online subjects to recognize U.S. presidents when presented with their full names among various types of lures. The hit rate for presidential recognition was.88, well above the proportion produced in free recall but far from perfect. Presidents Franklin Pierce and Chester Arthur were recognized less than 60% of the time. Interestingly, four nonpresidents were falsely recognized at relatively high rates, and Alexander Hamilton was more frequently identified as president than were several actual presidents. Even on a recognition test, knowledge of American presidents is imperfect and prone to error. The false alarm data support the theory that false fame can arise from contextual familiarity.© The Author(s) 2016.
Aging and the misinformation effect: A neurobiological analysis
DOI:10.1037/0278-7393.33.2.321 URL [本文引用: 1]
Social contagion of memory
We report a new paradigm for studying false memories implanted by social influence, a process we call the social contagion of memory. A subject and confederate together saw six common household scenes (e.g., a kitchen) containing many objects, for either 15 or 60 sec. During a collaborative recall test, the 2 subjects each recalled six items from the scenes, but the confederate occasionally made mistakes by reporting items not from the scene. Some intrusions were highly consistent with the scene schema (e.g., a toaster) while others were less so (e.g., oven mitts). After a brief delay, the individual subject tried to recall as many items as possible from the six scenes. Recall of the erroneous items suggested by the confederate was greater than in a control condition (with no suggestion). Further, this social contagion effect was greater when the scenes were presented for less time (15 sec) and when the intruded item was more schema consistent (e.g., the toaster). As with other forms of social influence, false memories are contagious; one person's memory can be infected by another person's errors.
Group identification and historical memory
Generations and collective memories
DOI:10.2307/2095611 URL [本文引用: 1]
The cognitive foundations of cultural stability and diversity
The existence and diversity of human cultures are made possible by our species-specific cognitive capacities. But how? Do cultures emerge and diverge as a result of the deployment, over generations and in different populations, of general abilities to learn, imitate and communicate? What role if any do domain-specific evolved cognitive abilities play in the emergence and evolution of cultures? These questions have been approached from different vantage points in different disciplines. Here we present a view that is currently developing out of the converging work of developmental psychologists, evolutionary psychologists and cognitive anthropologists.
Building consensus about the past: Schema consistency and convergence in socially shared retrieval-induced forgetting
DOI:10.1080/09658210903159003 URL [本文引用: 2]
Forgetting our personal past: Socially shared retrievalinduced forgetting of autobiographical memories
DOI:10.1037/a0030739 URL [本文引用: 1]
From the individual to the collective: The emergence of a psychological approach to collective memory
Remembering public, political events: A cross-cultural and -sectional examination of Australian and Japanese public memories
DOI:10.1002/acp.v29.2 URL [本文引用: 1]
Personally relevant vs. nationally relevant memories: An intergenerational examination of World War II memories across and within Belgian French-speaking families
DOI:10.1016/j.jarmac.2014.08.002 URL [本文引用: 1]
Intergenerational transmission of historical memories and social-distance attitudes in post-war second generation Croatians
DOI:10.3758/s13421-016-0607-x URL [本文引用: 1]
Good, you identified the suspect: Feedback to eyewitnesses distorts their reports of the witnessing experience
DOI:10.1037/0021-9010.83.3.360 URL [本文引用: 1]
Collective memory: Conceptual foundations and theoretical approaches
DOI:10.1080/09658210701801434
PMID:18324555
[本文引用: 2]
In order to outline the conceptual landscape that frames discussions of collective memory, three oppositions are proposed: collective memory versus collective remembering; history versus collective memory; and individual memory versus collective remembering. From this perspective collective remembering is viewed as an active process that often involves contention and contestation among people rather than a static body of knowledge that they possess. Collective remembering is also viewed as privileging identity formation and contestation over the sort of objective representation of the past that is the aspiration of formal historical analysis. And finally, while collective remembering involves individual minds, it also suggests something more in the form of socially situated individuals, a claim that can usefully be formulated in terms of how members of a groups share a common set of cultural tools (e.g., narrative forms) and similar content.
Memory conformity: Exploring misinformation effects when presented by another person
DOI:10.1348/000712600161781 URL [本文引用: 2]
Mnemonic convergence in a social network: Collective memory and extended influence
DOI:10.1016/j.jarmac.2014.08.001 URL [本文引用: 1]
Collective memories of three wars in United States history in younger and older adults
DOI:10.3758/s13421-013-0369-7 URL [本文引用: 2]
Social memories: Steps to a sociology of the past
DOI:10.1007/BF02393273 URL [本文引用: 1]
