心理科学进展, 2019, 27(6): 1019-1024 doi: 10.3724/SP.J.1042.2019.01019

研究简报

描述性规范提升义务献血的意愿而非行为

谢铠杰1,2, 马家涛1, 何铨3, 江程铭,1

1 浙江工业大学管理学院

2 浙江工业大学教育科学与技术学院

3 浙江工业大学政治与公共管理学院, 杭州 310023

Descriptive norms promote willingness to voluntarily donate blood rather than actual blood donation

XIE Kai-Jie1,2, MA Jia-Tao1, HE Quan3, JIANG Cheng-Ming,1

1 School of Management, Zhejiang University of Technology, Hangzhou 310023, China

2 College of Education, Zhejiang University of Technology, Hangzhou 310023, China

3 School of Politics and Public Administration, Zhejiang University of Technology, Hangzhou 310023, China

通讯作者: 江程铭, E-mail: jiangchengming@zjut.edu.cnwanderinghare@hotmail.com 江程铭, E-mail: jiangchengming@zjut.edu.cnwanderinghare@hotmail.com

收稿日期: 2018-05-11   网络出版日期: 2019-06-15

基金资助: 国家自然科学基金面上项目.  71571164
浙江省自然科学基金面上项目.  LY19C090003
浙江省自然科学基金面上项目.  LY17G010009
教育部社科项目资助.  16YJC840006

Received: 2018-05-11   Online: 2019-06-15

摘要

描述性规范指大多数人的做法对他人态度和行为的影响。本研究试图利用描述性规范改变公众的义务献血意愿和行为。研究由两个相似实验组成。实验1发现描述性规范促进了被试义务献血的意愿, 但并没有影响实际献血行为; 实验2在实验1的基础上试图通过增加短信提醒来促进义务献血行为, 但是结果同样显示描述性规范促进了被试的献血意愿而非行为。本文对此原因进行了讨论。

关键词: 助推 ; 义务献血 ; 描述性规范 ; 短信提醒

Abstract

The term descriptive norms refers to the influence of most peoples’ practices on the attitudes and behaviors of others. This study attempted to use descriptive norms to promote the willingness of participants to donate blood voluntarily and engage in other blood-donation behaviors. The study consisted of two similar experiments. Experiment 1 investigated the effects of descriptive norms on blood donation and found that descriptive norms increased participants’ willingness to donate blood, but not their actual donation of blood. Given the results of Experiment 1, Experiment 2 was designed to increase blood-donation activity by sending participants “short message service” reminders. However, Experiment 2 also found no increase in the participants’ blood-donation activity. These two experiments consistently demonstrated that descriptive norms promoted participants’ willingness to donate blood voluntarily but did not promote their actual donation of blood. The paper discusses possible reasons for these results.

Keywords: nudge ; voluntary blood donation ; descriptive norms ; short message services

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本文引用格式

谢铠杰, 马家涛, 何铨, 江程铭. (2019). 描述性规范提升义务献血的意愿而非行为 . 心理科学进展, 27(6), 1019-1024

XIE Kai-Jie, MA Jia-Tao, HE Quan, JIANG Cheng-Ming. (2019). Descriptive norms promote willingness to voluntarily donate blood rather than actual blood donation. Advances in Psychological Science, 27(6), 1019-1024

1 引言

在现代医学发展的背景下, 献血是一件直接关涉人类生命健康保障与改善的大爱行为, 也是各国医学发展的基本保障(刘长秋, 2016)。世界卫生组织提出, 若想基本满足本国临床用血需求, 一个国家的人口献血率必须达到10‰~30‰的水平。《2016年全球血液安全与供应报告》指出, 我国大陆无偿献血人数为1400多万, 即近10‰的水平, 与高收入国家的45.4‰的水平相距甚远; 而距2020年15‰的目标亦任重而道远(World Health Organization, 2017)。

针对我国无偿献血率低下的问题, 政府也采取了很多措施。如加大宣传献血意义, 普及献血科学知识以及出台无偿献血的激励政策, 但总的来说这些措施并没有达到预期的目标。比如, 现在仍有不少社会公众认为献血会影响身体健康或感染疾病(唐河山等, 2017)。而国家规定献血量达800 ml的无偿献血者及其直系亲属可以免费使用相关血液产品的措施, 激励效果也并不明显。现实中很少有人出于未来可以免费享受血液产品的念头而进行无偿献血(唐河山等, 2017)。目前我国对于无偿献血的激励措施仍以精神鼓励为主, 但是单纯的精神鼓励不是一种可持续的激励措施(殷群, 2013); 而引入货币补偿只会降低志愿者的献血热情(Mellström & Johannesson, 2008)。

与利用宣传、借助激励的传统政策措施不同, 最近一些国家采用基于行为科学的政策措施来改变公民的行为, 取得了良好的成效(Benartzi et al., 2017)。因而, 本文希望用行为科学的视角重新审视献血意愿和行为, 寻找一种低成本又有效的方式来助推公众的献血行为。

2 助推

助推是将心理学和行为科学应用于政策的一种尝试:在依旧保持公民自由选择权力的基础上, 通过改变选择架构(choice architecture)来促进公民的财富、健康和幸福(Thaler & Sunstein, 2008)。心理学、行为经济学尤其是行为决策的大量研究发现个体的偏好并非如新古典经济学所认为是理性的, 而是会受很多因素的影响。因而政府可以借助改变选择架构来影响个体的决策, 从而使决策结果更好。

助推相较于其他方式的优点在于它的成本有效性(cost-effectiveness)。比如, 2012年英国通过改变退休计划的默认选项设置增加了500万的退休金储蓄者。又如, 相较于让求职者回忆前一周所做之事, 让他们思考下一周所需完成之事更有助于求职者找到工作。政府可因此节省数百万原需支付给失业者的保障金(Halpern, 2015)。Benartzi等人(2017)比较了助推与其它的措施(比如税收激励、奖励等方式)在促进退休金储存、入学率提升、能源保护和流感疫苗接种的相对有效性(relative effectiveness, 项目收益/项目成本), 发现助推比其他方式更有效。

在诸多的助推策略中, 描述性规范(descriptive norms)是一种常用的有效策略(Szaszi, Palinkas, Palfi, Szollosi, & Aczel, 2017)。

3 描述性规范

Cialdini, Reno和Kallgren (1990)区分了描述性规范和命令性规范。描述性规范是个体知觉到的社会大多数人的行为, 从而为个体提供了“什么是正常(normal)行为”的信息; 而命令性规范是个体知觉到的如果遵从或者抑制某种行为而会招致的参照群体压力, 从而为个体提供了“什么是应该(ought to)行为”的信息(韦庆旺, 孙健敏, 2013)。虽然也有一些研究检验了命令性规范对政策实施的作用(比如Rimal & Real, 2005; Vinnell, Milfont, & McClure, 2018), 但是因为个体对于“什么是应该做的行为”的知觉比较清楚, 而对于“什么是正常行为”的知觉却比较模糊或不准确(Rimal, Lapinski, Cook, & Real, 2005)。因而相比于命令性规范, 描述性规范更易于操作, 所以研究也更多。特别是在环保领域, 研究者发现应用描述性规范可以有效改变个体行为。比如, Goldstein, Cialdini和Griskevicius (2008)发现:与传统的强调环保行为好处的告知信息相比, 描述性规范(比如强调75%入住本酒店的旅客重复使用了毛巾)情况下旅客重复使用毛巾的可能性更高。又如, Kormos, Gifford和Brown (2014)发现, 相比于控制组, 强调社会规范的组别减少了私家车的使用, 并且高社会规范组(被试被告知26%的人从私家车转换到了更环保的交通方式)比低社会规范组(被试被告知4%的人从私家车转换到了更环保的交通方式)减少得更多。

然而, 也有研究者发现了描述性规范的“事与愿违” (boomerang)效应。Schultz等人(2007)向每户家庭反馈了其能源使用情况与所在社区平均值的比较, 结果发现:起初能源使用高于平均水平的家庭在接下来的阶段使用量下降了; 但起初能源使用低于平均水平的家庭在接下来的阶段使用量却增加了。前者的现象与操作描述性规范以促进环保的意图一致; 而后者却正好相反, 因而被称之为“事与愿违”效应。

基于国内传统的促进公民义务献血的方式效果不佳, 本研究尝试应用描述性规范来提高献血意愿, 助推献血行为。因为首先如前所述, 描述性规范相比于命令性规范更易于操作。其次基于文化差异的研究表明持集体主义价值观的个体(比如日本人和印度人)相比于持个体主义价值观的个体(比如美国人)更易于遵守信息规范; 信息规范对行为的预测力也更强(Eom, Kim, Sherman, & Ishii, 2016; Savani, Wadhwa, Uchida, Ding, & Naidu, 2015)。同时, 又有研究发现:描述性规范比命令性规范对于中国人(相比于西方人)有更大的作用(王良燕, 韩冰, 叶子, 2016)。另外, 有调查表明:在义务献血的众多动机中, 虽然利他主义占据了主导地位, 但对同伴的回应和同伴的鼓励仅排在利他因素之后(Oborne & Bradley, 1975)。特别对于初次献血者, 家人、朋友和同伴的鼓励尤其重要(Glynn et al., 2010)。最后, 据我们所知, 至今并未有应用描述性规范来促进人们义务献血行为的研究报告。因而本研究尝试使用描述性规范来助推献血意愿, 提高公民献血行为。

4 实验1

实验1通过与呼吁方式(控制组)对比, 检验描述性规范能否促进献血的意愿与行为。

4.1 被试

浙江工业大学的388名学生(男:183, 女:198, 7名被试未填写性别, 年龄20.93 ± 1.89岁)参加了本次实验。

4.2 实验设计

实验为被试间设计, 被试被随机分配到不同组中(描述性规范组vs.呼吁组)。

4.3 实验材料和程序

实验在献血正式活动(献血车进入校园采血)前两天进行。主试在图书馆自习室接近自习者, 派发献血宣传单给他们。呼吁组的献血宣传单首段内容为“请参加无偿献血, 帮助那些需要血液的人。您的献出, 将挽救他人生命”。接下来被试被告知两天后校内将有一次献血活动以及活动的具体时间和地点。请他们在“A.愿意”与“B.不愿意”的选项之间打勾表示是否愿意参加, 然后再填写年龄和性别信息。如果他们愿意参加, 接下来继续填写姓名和电话(如果不愿意, 无需填写)。

描述性规范组的首段为“请加入您的浙工大伙伴, 参与无偿献血, 帮助那些需要血液的人。大约有75%1(1 75%的数据来源于我们在某节人力资源课程的问卷调查。我们通过问卷调查, 询问了学生参加义务献血的意愿, 大约75%的学生表示愿意参加义务献血。)参加调查的浙工大学生表示愿意参加无偿献血, 请加入他们。您的献出, 将挽救他人生命”。其他部分内容与呼吁组相同。宣传单分发给被试后, 主试离开, 以避免主试在场效应的干扰。约5分钟后, 主试再回来回收宣传单。

4.4 实验结果和讨论

分别有192名和196名被试被分配到呼吁组和描述性规范组。我们以被试选择“A.愿意”选项并且留下姓名和电话作为献血意愿2(2在本实验里, 有些被试虽然勾选了“A.愿意”选项, 但是没有留下姓名和电话, 这部分被试被作为没有献血意愿处理。如果把这部分被试也作为有意愿的被试处理, 献血意愿的统计结果为:呼吁组47人(24.5%), 描述性规范组74人(37.8%, χ2=7.97, p=0.005, j=0.142), 与现在分析结果相似。); 而他们实际是否参加献血活动作为献血的实际行为(我们在献血活动结束后对比了献血人员的名单和调查参与者留下姓名的人员名单)。

献血意愿。呼吁组31人表示愿意献血(16.1%); 描述性规范组57人表示愿意献血(29.1%, χ2 = 9.42, p = 0.002, j = 0.154), 结果表明描述性规范有效地促进了被试的献血意愿。

献血行为。呼吁组3人实际参加了献血(1.6%); 而描述性规范组下4人献血(2.0%, χ2 = 0.13, p = 0.718), 结果表明描述性规范并没有促进被试的实际献血行为。

5 实验2

实验1验证了描述性规范能促进被试的献血意愿但并没有促进被试的献血行为。那么是否有可能实验1的调查和献血活动之间间隔两天, 被试遗忘了献血活动?行为和意愿产生差距的原因之一是遗忘(Brewer, Chapman, Rothman, Leask, & Kempe, 2017)。因而在本实验中, 我们试图在实验1的基础上, 在献血活动当天早上通过短信提醒来提高被试的实际献血行为。

短信提醒也是助推的有效方式之一。比如在医疗领域, 研究发现短信提醒能提高病人的药物依从性, 从而带来健康效益(Akhu-Zaheya & Shiyab, 2017; Khonsari et al., 2015)。

5.1 被试

浙江工业大学的357名学生(男:182, 女:159, 16名被试未填写性别, 年龄20.84 ± 1.94岁)参加了本次调查。

5.2 实验设计

实验2第一阶段如同实验1, 被试被随机分配到描述性规范组和呼吁组填写献血意愿; 在第一阶段中表示献血意愿并留下姓名电话的被试进入到第二阶段, 他们被随机分配到短信提醒组和无短信提醒组。

5.3 实验材料和程序

实验的第一阶段在献血正式活动(献血车进入校园采血)前两天进行。主试在图书馆自习室接近自习者, 随机派发献血宣传单给他们。实验一阶段实验材料和程序同实验1。在献血车进校的当天早上, 我们将愿意献血并留下姓名电话的被试随机分半, 对其中的一半被试给予短信提醒, 内容为:某某学生, 您好, 教科(注册)志愿者协会和献血中心联合举办的献血活动将于下午1点—4点在支干路举行, 记得按时来参加献血哦~。

5.4 实验结果和讨论

各有182名和175名被试被分配到呼吁组和描述性规范组。我们以选择“A.愿意”选项以及同时留下姓名电话的被试作为具有献血意愿的被试3(3 在本实验里, 有些被试虽然勾选了“A.愿意”选项, 但是没有留下姓名和电话, 这部分被试被作为没有献血意愿处理。如果把这部分被试也作为有意愿的被试处理, 献血意愿的统计结果为:呼吁组46人(25.3%), 描述性规范组65人(37.1%, χ2=5.87, p=0.015, j=0.127), 与现在分析结果相似。); 呼吁组37人表示愿意献血(20.3%); 描述性规范组, 60人表示愿意献血(34.3%, χ2 = 8.78, p = 0.003, j = 0.155), 结果表明描述性规范有效地促进了被试的献血意愿。

对于实验第一阶段获得名单, 我们随机抽取48名被试在献血活动当天进行了短信提醒。在有短信提醒条件下, 4名被试参加了献血(8.3%); 在无短信提醒条件下, 2名被试参加了献血(4.1%, χ2 = 0.76, p = 0.385), 短信对实际献血行为的促进作用统计上不显著。因此, 我们排除短信因素的影响, 比较了呼吁组和描述性规范组实际的献血行为:呼吁组3人实际献血(1.6%); 描述性规范组3人实际献血(1.7%, χ2 = 0.002, p = 0.961), 结果表明描述性规范并没有促进被试的献血行为。

6 讨论

针对我国人口献血率低的状况, 本研究试图通过描述性规范来促进人们义务献血的意愿和行为。实验1和2的结果显示描述性规范促进了个体的献血意愿, 但是没有增加个体的实际献血行为。

对献血意愿和行为存在差异的原因, 我们提出了如下解释:

第一, 遗忘。由于我们的调查和实际献血有一定的时间间隔, 因而被试有可能忘记了献血。但是在实验2中, 我们利用短信对部分被试进行提醒, 并没有发现短信提醒促进了被试的献血行为。所以我们基本上可以排除这种可能。

第二, 外显态度和内隐态度的区分(张红涛, 王二平, 2007)。当外显态度和内隐态度发生矛盾时, 内隐态度往往起决定性作用。描述性规范组有可能改变的仅是外显的而非内隐的态度。因而, 相比于控制组, 描述性规范并没有实际促进献血的行为。与此相关, 有研究者从认知机制的角度认为描述性规范和行为意图之间存在四个调节变量(结果期待、命令性规范、群组认同度和自我卷入程度) (Lapinski & Rimal, 2010), 只有当感知到行为后果对自己有益时, 描述性规范才会导致行为(Rimal et al., 2005)。

第三, 行动障碍。亦有可能被试采取了行动, 但是在行动实施时因为各种各样的障碍而放弃(Brewer et al., 2017)。作者观察到, 献血车在校园采血当天, 通常会排有长队, 因而也有可能被试看到需要长时间等待而放弃了献血行为。

第四, 规范凸显(salience) (Cialdini, Kallgren, & Reno, 1991)。描述性规范的提示是在调查那天而非献血当天, 因而调查时在被试知觉中描述性规范是凸显的, 而献血当天则不再凸显, 从而导致在调查时更多的被试表示愿意献血, 而在真正献血时却没有效果。可以为此解释佐证的是Nolan, Schultz, Cialdini, Goldstein和Griskevicius (2008)在加州地区的研究, 他们发现:与其它告知信息相比(比如强调自身的利益、环境保护、社会责任等), 描述性规范(告知社区居民的平均用电水平)降低了居民的用电量。但是这个效果仅局限在信息告知的当月; 而对下一个月却没有影响。因此未来可以探讨在义务献血现场, 通过派发描述性规范信息或者让被试观察到其他人实际献血行为来研究描述性规范对献血行为的影响。

因为本研究设计之初定位于应用研究, 所以并未想去探测其中的心理机制。但是研究结果提示, 即使一个研究得很多、似乎很稳定的效应, 在具体应用到某个领域里其效果并不确定。因而, 在今后的应用研究中还是有必要进行一定的心理机制的检验。通过对机制的理解, 我们可以更清楚地知道某个效应在什么条件下有可能起作用, 从而更好地指导实践。

本研究意图基于描述性规范来促进义务献血, 研究者未来也可以考虑来利用行为科学的其它策略。同时, 我们也希望有更多的国内研究者对行为科学在政策中的应用进行研究, 从而促进人民的福祉。

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