心理科学进展, 2019, 27(1): 11-19 doi: 10.3724/SP.J.1042.2019.00011

研究前沿

语义和句法信息在副中央凹加工中的作用

臧传丽,, 鹿子佳, 张志超

天津师范大学心理与行为研究院, 天津 300074

The role of semantic and syntactic information in parafoveal prcoessing during reading

ZANG Chuanli,, LU Zijia, ZHANG Zhichao

Academy of Psychology and Behavior, Tianjin Normal University, Tianjin 300074, China

通讯作者: 臧传丽, E-mail: zangchuanli@163.com

收稿日期: 2018-04-17   网络出版日期: 2019-01-15

基金资助: * 国家自然科学基金项目.  31571122, 81471629, 31600902
天津市人才发展特殊支持计划青年拔尖人才项目和天津师范大学杰出青年创新团队项目.  52WZ1702

Received: 2018-04-17   Online: 2019-01-15

摘要

读者能够从副中央凹中提取到什么类型的信息, 是当前阅读眼动研究领域关注的焦点问题.当前普遍认为低水平信息(如正字法信息)可以在副中央凹中得以加工, 但是高水平的信息(如语义和句法信息)能否从副中央凹中进行提取存在争议.本文总结了近年来高水平信息在副中央凹加工的研究进展, 包括拼音文字和非拼音文字(如中文)阅读过程中语义和句法预视效益的研究现状及影响因素, 当前眼动控制模型(如E-Z读者和SWIFT)对预视效益的解释和不足之处, 最后提出未来关于语义和句法预视加工的研究方向.

关键词: 副中央凹加工 ; 语义 ; 句法 ; 中文阅读

Abstract

A debated issue in eye movement reading research concerns the extent to which readers preprocess words in the parafovea. There have been convergent findings that readers can extract visual and lexical (e.g., orthographic, phological) information from parafoveal words during reading. However, there is some controversy regarding whether readers can extract higher linguistic level (e.g., semantic and syntactic) information from the parafovea. We reviewed current findings in relation to parafoveal preview benefits during reading of alphabetic languages like English and non-alphabetic language like Chinese, mainly focusing on the processing of semantic and syntactic information of upcoming words in the parafovea, and how the current eye movement control models such as E-Z reader model and SWIFT model explain these findings. Finally, we discussed the implications of semantic and syntactic preview benefits for these models and considered future research directions in this field of eye movement control during reading.

Keywords: parafoveal processing ; semantic ; syntactic ; Chinese reading

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本文引用格式

臧传丽, 鹿子佳, 张志超. (2019). 语义和句法信息在副中央凹加工中的作用 . 心理科学进展, 27(1), 11-19

ZANG Chuanli, LU Zijia, ZHANG Zhichao. (2019). The role of semantic and syntactic information in parafoveal prcoessing during reading. Advances in Psychological Science, 27(1), 11-19

1 前言

在阅读过程中, 读者不仅能够获得当前注视的中央凹区域词(n)的信息, 也能够通过副中央凹获得注视点右侧词(n+1或n+2)的部分信息.通过副中央凹的预加工使随后注视该词的注视时间减少的现象, 被称为副中央凹预视效应(parafoveal preview effects).对副中央凹预视效应的研究通常采用边界范式(Rayner, 1975).所谓边界范式, 是在目标词的左侧设置一条隐形的边界, 当读者的注视点在边界左侧时, 一个预视词会出现在目标词的位置上.在读者从左向右阅读的过程中, 一旦眼跳越过边界, 预视词立刻变为目标词.通过操纵预视词与目标词之间的关系(如共享某一特征), 可以探讨读者在副中央凹中提取信息的类型.例如, 如果要探讨读者在阅读过程中能否从副中央凹提取语音信息, 可以比较当预视词是目标词的同音词与非同音词时, 对目标词的注视时间的差异, 如果前者显著短于后者, 说明在副中

央凹中可以提取语音信息(闫国利, 王丽红, 巫金根, 白学军, 2011).由于预视词与目标词存在共有的特征, 在注视目标词之前由于获得这一信息而促进对目标词加工的现象, 称之为预视效益(preview benefit).

对预视效益的基本研究发现, 不论是拼音文字还是非拼音文字, 读者都可以稳定地获得副中央凹词汇的语音和正字法信息(Rayner, 2009; Jr Clifton et al., 2016).但是, 语义信息能否在副中央凹中获得加工并在眼跳过程中被及时整合还存在争议.对德文和中文阅读的许多研究发现, 读者可以从副中央凹中获得语义信息(Hohenstein, & Kliegl, 2013; Yang, Wang, Tong, & Rayner, 2012), 但在英文阅读的研究中, 语义信息在副中央凹中的提取非常微弱(Rayner, Schotter & Drieghe, 2014), 语义预视效益只发生于某些特殊情形下(如预视词与目标词是同义词) (Schotter, 2013).另外, 句法信息作为另一种高水平信息, 在副中央凹中的提取目前只在拼音文字中得到了验证(Snell, Meeter, & Grainger, 2017; Veldre, & Andrews, 2018), 在中文等非拼音文字中还缺乏相关研究.因此, 读者能从副中央凹中获得什么类型的信息, 较高水平的语义和句法信息能否在副中央凹中获得加工是当前阅读眼动研究领域关注的焦点问题, 也成为当前眼动控制模型争论的焦点.本文将介绍近年来语义和句法信息在副中央凹加工研究的最新进展以及其对当前眼动控制模型的启示.

2 关于副中央凹预视效应的理论争论

为了探讨眼动阅读过程中的两大基本问题:何时进行眼跳(when)和下一次的眼跳位置(where), 研究者们在大量的实验数据和计算机模拟的基础上, 提出了当前最有影响力的两种眼动控制模型:以E-Z读者模型为代表的序列加工模型(sequential attention shift, SAS)和以SWIFT模型为代表的注意梯度模型(guidance by attentional gradient, GAG).它们对副中央凹预视效应给出了不同的解释.

2.1 E-Z读者模型

E-Z读者模型是基于注意的序列加工理论提出的眼动控制模型, 该理论的核心观点是:在词汇加工过程中注意资源是严格按序列分布的, 即注意每次只能集中在一个词上, 且只有完成对当前注视词的加工后, 注意才能转移到下一个词.

E-Z读者模型已经发展到了第十个版本, 改进后的E-Z读者模型10给出了高水平,后词汇语言信息如何影响阅读过程的解释.它将眼动过程分为了两大功能模块:(1)单词的识别模块, 包含熟悉性检验阶段(L1),词汇通达阶段(L2)和词汇整合阶段(I); (2)眼跳程序模块, 包含眼跳计划的不稳定阶段(M1)和眼跳计划的稳定阶段(M2) (Reichle, 2011; Schotter, Reichle, & Rayner, 2014).E-Z读者模型将内部注意转移和眼跳程序分离开, 这导致了注意的转移与眼睛的转移在时间进程上的不一致, 注意可能会先于眼睛的注视到达词n+1.这是因为, 眼跳计划从产生到完成所需的时间是固定的, 大约为150 ms (t(M1) = 125 ms, t(M2) = 25 ms).而注意的转移与注视词n的加工难度有关(如词频,预测性和词长):注视词n的加工难度越大, 词汇识别L1L2阶段所需时间就越多, 注意向n+1转移的就越晚(White, Rayner, & Liversedge, 2005).因此, 如果注视词n较容易被加工, 读者会很快完成词汇n的通达, 由于眼跳计划还没有完成, 眼睛仍在注视词n上, 但注意已经转移到词n+1.这也就解释了读者能在注视目标词n的同时, 获得副中央凹中单词信息的现象.

但是, 模型假设词汇信息的整合发生在词汇识别之后, 即语义和句法信息的加工是属于后词汇水平的.有大量实验证明了这一假设, 通过验证语义合理性对注视时间的影响独立于其他早期因素(如词频), 支持了语义合理性信息影响后词汇整合阶段的假设(Abbott & Staub, 2015; Matsuki et al., 2011).因此, E-Z读者模型可以很好地解释低水平的信息在副中央凹中的加工(如正字法信息), 但如果预视加工达到了语义等高水平信息, 则串行模型很难加以解释.

2.2 SWIFT模型

SWIFT模型是基于注意的梯度指引理论提出的眼动控制模型, 该理论的核心观点是:在词汇加工过程中注意资源是平行分布的, 即在有效视觉范围内的所有词都被注意并进行词汇分析, 只是注意资源从中心到边缘呈梯度下降(胡笑羽, 白学军, 闫国立, 2010; 白学军 等, 2011).

SWIFT模型力图将认知和眼球运动结合起来考察阅读中的眼动行为, 主要原则有:(1)一定注意范围内的分布式词汇加工; (2)眼跳计划和目标选择的分离; (3)伴随中央凹目标抑制的眼跳机制(刘丽萍, 刘海健, 胡笑羽, 2006).SWIFT模型与E-Z读者模型有几点相似的主张:词的加工难度与词频和预测性有关; 词汇加工分为两个阶段; 眼跳计划分为可变和不可变两阶段.但是由于采用了分布式的词汇加工方式, SWIFT模型认为一次加工可以同时平行加工中央凹前后各两个词, 激活程度越高的目标加工程度越深, 从中央凹向两侧激活程度逐渐降低.由于SWIFT模型采用伴随中央凹目标抑制的眼跳机制, 眼跳计划的时间受到中央凹词汇难度的影响.因此, 中央凹加工词汇难度越低(如高频,高预测性词), 副中央凹中的单词获得的注意资源越大, 加工深度也越深.因此, SWIFT模型能较好地解释副中央凹预视效应的存在, 并主张可以获得词n+2的预视效益.

3 副中央凹语义信息提取的实验证据

3.1 拼音文字阅读中副中央凹语义信息的提取

3.1.1 早期探索:副中央凹无法提取语义信息

在拼音文字中, 语义信息能否在副中央凹中得以加工, 一直以来是备受争议的问题.最早Rayner, Balota和Pollatsek (1986)在句子阅读中使用边界范式来研究该问题, 操纵了4种预视条件:一致预视(song-song),语义相关(tune-song),完全不相关(door-song),字形相似的非词(sorp-song), 目标词是song.结果发现, 语义相关和完全不相关预视条件下, 对目标词的注视时间没有显著差异, 表明单词在副中央凹中的加工没有达到语义的深度.Rayner等(2014)重复了Rayner等人(1986)的实验, 得到了相同的实验结果.因此副中央凹中不能提取语义信息这一结论持续了很长时间.直到近年来, 随着对不同拼音文字的副中央凹预视加工的研究逐渐深入, 在德语等拼音文字中证明了语义信息可以在副中央凹中加工, Rayner和Schotter等人也对英文的语义预视效益进行了新的探讨并获得了新的发现.

3.1.2 来自德文阅读的证据:副中央凹可以提取语义信息

德语是一种字素和音素联系非常紧密的语言, 字音转换容易, 正字法规则也相对浅显.在德文中, 名词的首字母都为大写字母, 这也许会吸引读者更多的注意并减小词汇加工的代价.Hohenstein和Kliegl (2013)采用边界范式在德语文本中证明了语义预视效益的存在.在实验1中, 他们操纵了两种预视词类型:语义相关(Trage担架-Bahre棺材),语义无关(Trage担架-Roste隔栏).结果发现, 相比于语义无关预视条件, 在语义相关条件下读者对目标词的注视时间显著减少.但是, 实验1中使用的目标词都是首字母为大写字母的名词, 如果首字母不是大写, 还会出现语义预视效益吗?在实验2中, 研究者将一半目标名词的首字母控制为小写(违反德文的正字法规则).结果仍然发现了显著的语义预视效益.该实验表明, 德文中在副中央凹提取到语义信息不完全是由德文名词首字母大写造成的.

3.1.3 英文阅读的进一步探索:在一定条件下副中央凹可以提取语义信息

如前所述, Rayner等人(1986)使用语义相关预视词来探讨语义信息在副中央凹中的加工.例如, 目标词是start (开始), 语义相关预视词是ready (准备), 结果发现语义预视效益并不存在.如果目标词和预视词是相同含义的词而非仅仅是词义相关时, 实验结果是否会有所不同?Schotter (2013)提高了语义的相关程度, 用同义词组来代替相关词组, 结果发现:同义预视词条件下, 对目标词的注视时间大大缩短了, 但是语义相关和不相关条件间没有显著差异.后来, Schotter和Jia (2016)将这一结论进行了扩展:当预视词是目标词的反义词时, 也产生了显著的语义预视效益.这说明, 语义预视效益在英文中非常敏感:当目标词和预视词语义共享程度深时, 语义预视效益出现了; 当预视词与目标词的语义差异较大时, 语义预视效益消失了.另外, 反义词虽然与目标词在语义上关联不大, 但与情境相容, 这说明合理性对于预视效益也起到了重要作用.

受到在德文中成功发现语义预视效益的启发(德文中名词首字母均为大写字母), Rayner和Schotter (2013)采用边界范式, 在英文中探讨了预视词首字母大写情况下, 语义信息能否在副中央凹中提取到.实验设计了三种预视类型:一致(Ballet-Ballet),语义相关(Dancer-Ballet)和完全不相关(Needle-Ballet).结果发现, 首字母大写情况下, 语义预视效益在回视时间上达到了显著, 在早期的指标上(单一注视时间和凝视时间)达到边缘显著.这表明英文单词首字母大写时, 吸引了读者更多的注意力, 因此预视效益增大了, 从副中央凹中提取到语义信息的可能性也增加了.

为了减小正字法信息对语义预视效益的影响, Schotter, Lee, Reiderman和Rayner (2015)探讨了预视词预测性的高低对语义信息在副中央凹加工的影响.结果发现:在高预测性条件下, 语义相关也引起了显著的预视效益, 而在低预测性条件下, 语义相关与不相关条件没有差异.这说明, 如果上下文能为即将出现的词提供一定的线索, 读者会结合从副中央凹中提取到的语义信息, 共同促进对目标词的识别, 提高阅读效率.

结合近年来关于拼音文字阅读中副中央凹语义信息提取的研究发现, 在一定程度上, 读者可以从副中央凹中加工语义信息.当预视词可以吸引更多的注意(如首字母大写)或预视词和目标词的语义相关程度非常高(同义词)时, 读者可以从副中央凹中提取语义信息, 且语义预视效益的大小会受到上下文情境(合理性)和预测性的影响.

3.2 中文阅读中副中央凹语义信息的提取

中文是世界上使用人数最多的语言, 与拼音文字相比有许多不同之处.具体表现在:(1)中文文本是由占据相同空间大小的方块汉字构成的.同样的空间条件下, 中文的信息密度比英文大.因此中文读者在一次注视过程中, 可能从当前注视点右侧获得更多的信息.(2)中文是象形文字, 汉字的字形与语义之间存在一定对应关系.因此中文语义预视效益也可能存在.(3)拼音文字中的视觉单位是词, 而中文的视觉单位是字.且中文文本词间没有空格, 词的切分往往依赖上下文信息完成.读者更可能需要利用副中央凹中的信息实现对当前信息的理解.这些不同导致中文读者更有可能从副中央凹中提取到高水平信息(Wang, Chen, Yang, & Mo, 2008; Yang et al., 2012).

3.2.1 词汇和亚词汇语义信息的提取

中文中语义预视效益的研究开始于字形结构简单,能直观表现语义的常见独体字.Yan, Richter, Shu和Kliegl (2009)采用边界范式, 操纵了五种预视类型:一致(户-户),字形相似(广-户),语音相同(互-户),语义相关(门-户)和完全不相关(丹-户).结果发现, 与完全不相关预视词相比, 字形相似,语音相同和语义相关预视条件下, 对目标词的注视时间都显著的短.这说明读者能从副中央凹中获得预视词的字形,语音和语义信息.然而, 中文中有82%的字都是由声旁和形旁组成的合体字, 那么该实验所用简单独体字得到的结论能否推广到更普遍的中文文本中?

为探讨此问题, Yan, Zhou和Shu (2012)采用合体字作为预视词和目标词, 发现读者不仅可以提取独体字的语义信息, 还可以提取合体字的语义信息, 并且发现亚词汇信息(偏旁,部首)也会影响副中央凹语义预视加工.在书面汉语文本中, 许多合体字的声旁代表发音,形旁代表含义.比如“蝗”字, “虫”代表字义, “皇”代表发音.实验还操纵了语义透明度(semantic transparency), 语义透明度是指从各个词素的语义推知整体字义的程度, 也就是指整词与其词素的语义相关程度(王春茂, 彭聃龄, 1999).比如上文提到的“蝗”就是高透明度的字.实验包括4种预视条件:一致(费-费),高透明度语义相关(损-费),低透明度语义相关(耗-费)和不相关(笑-费).结果发现, 两种语义相关预视词条件下的注视时间都显著短于不相关条件下, 且二者差异不大(低透明度条件下仅比高透明度条件下在凝视时间上显著地长13 ms).这说明, 不论是简单独体字(如“月”)还是有偏旁的合体字(如“脸”), 读者都能从副中央凹提取到语义信息, 且亚词汇水平上的语义信息也能在副中央凹中得到加工.

3.2.2 合理性对语义信息提取的影响

Yang等(2012)进一步验证了合体字语义预视效益的研究, 然而结果与之前研究不同:语义相关与语义不相关条件下, 对目标词的注视时间差异不显著.作者认为, 不符合句子情境的预视词均没有出现语义预视效益, 即不合理的抑制作用压过了语义相关的促进作用.研究者提出了新的假设, 预视词的合理性会影响语义信息的提取(合理性指的是指该事情发生的可能性), 于是在实验2中进一步控制了预视词的合理性, 设置了四种预视条件:一致(鞋-鞋),语义相关合理(袜-鞋),语义无关合理(桔-鞋)和语义不合理(潭-鞋).结果证明了该假设:语义无关预视条件下注视时间显著小于语义不合理条件而大于语义相关合理条件, 且语义预视效益只存在于句子合理的情况下; 当预视词不合理时, 不存在语义预视效益.

综上所述, 不论是在简单的象形文字还是有偏旁部首的合体字中, 中文读者都可以从副中央凹中提取语义信息, 甚至能提取亚词汇水平上透明度高的偏旁中的语义信息.但中文阅读中的语义预视效益受预视词的合理性以及句子上下文语境的限制.

4 副中央凹句法信息提取的实验证据

4.1 拼音文字阅读中副中央凹句法信息的提取

大量研究证明, 英文中句法信息的提取速度非常快, 甚至快于对语义信息的提取(Braze et al., 2002; McElree & Griffith, 1995).原因有:(1)英文中有时态的变化, 句子框架简单明了; (2)英文不同词性的词在构词规则上的不同, 使得词性信息容易被提取, 即使不懂词的含义也很容易猜测出它的词性.这些语言系统上的特点为英文句法在副中央凹中的提取提供了可能.

Angele和Rayner (2013)采用边界范式, 设置了三种预视条件:一致(ace-ace),非词(tda-ace),不合理的冠词the.结果发现, 如果在副中央凹中呈现一个简单的冠词the, 即使the会导致句法异常, 在该条件下读者还是会更多地跳读目标词(与一致预视条件相比).Angele, Laishley, Rayner和Liversedge (2014)进一步发现, 该效应不局限于使用频率最高的the上, 也可以推广到其他的高频三字母词上.具体来说, 当预视词为不符合句法规则的高频词时, 读者对目标词的跳读率也会显著高于合理的低频预视词条件.Angele等人的结果表明, 当副中央凹呈现一个高频的三字母词, 读者更多利用副中央凹的熟悉性而不是句法信息来决定是否对下一个词进行跳读.

然而, Brothers和Traxler (2016)将目标词和预视词的词长扩大到4~7个字母, 发现副中央凹的句法信息可以影响词跳读.在前两个实验中, 句法违背预视词条件下对目标词的跳读率显著低于一致预视条件.为了探讨跳读率的降低是由于句法违背引起的还是预视词与目标词在语音,正字法上的不一致导致的, 实验3增加了句法和语义均合理的预视词, 结果发现这一条件下的跳读率显著高于句法违背条件(3%).结果表明, 在英文句子阅读过程中, 副中央凹句法信息加工进程非常早, 足以影响词汇识别的最早期阶段(表现在跳读率上).

不合理的语义信息是否会阻碍句法信息的提取?Veldre和Andrews (2018)在实验1中, 采用违背范式, 将预视类型分为:一致(stool-stool),语义句法均合理(glass-stool),语义不合理句法合理(uncle-stool),语义句法均不合理(begin-stool).结果发现, 在语义不合理的情况下, 句法合理条件下的凝视时间和回视时间显著短于句法不合理条件下, 然而在跳读率上的预视效益消失了.研究者认为, 可能是语义违背的作用太大抵消了句法的预视效益.实验2探讨了在语义合理的情况下, 句法的合理是否会引起跳读率和注视时间上的效益.他们通过操纵目标动词的时态变化, 比较了两种实验条件:语义合理,句法合理(Her plane will probably depart, et al.)和语义合理,句法不合理(Her plane will probably landed, et al.).结果发现了非常显著的句法预视效益:句法合理比不合理条件下, 读者注视时间更短, 跳读率更高.

另外, 句法信息在副中央凹中的提取不仅在英语中得到了证明, 在荷兰语中也得到了相同的结论.荷兰语是一种与英文在语法结构上非常相似的拼音文字.Snell等(2017)使用边界范式探讨荷兰语中句法在副中央凹中的加工.他们发现, 副中央凹词汇的句法信息不仅会影响词跳读, 还会影响注视时间.操纵了三种预视类型:一致预视(jumps-jumps),句法合理(waved-jumps)和句法不合理(table-jumps).结果发现, 句法合理比句法不合理预视条件下, 跳读率显著地高, 注视时间(首次注视时间,凝视时间,总注视时间)也显著地减少.这表明, 荷兰读者可以从副中央凹中提取到句法信息.

4.2 中文阅读中副中央凹句法信息的提取

中文句法结构与拼音文字有所不同:(1)中文的词没有时态的变化, 同一个词可以用在过去和将来, 语法相对模糊不清, 如“调查”一词可以表示任何时态; (2)中文的词没有形态学上的词类变化, 如“调查”一词既可以当动词也可以当名词.这些特点可能导致中文阅读中副中央凹提取句法信息比英文难.然而, 由于中文文本词间没有空格, 密集的排列可能使读者在一次注视中获得更多的信息.中文的这一特点又为中文读者从副中央凹中提取句法信息提供了可能.Zang等人(2018)采用边界范式, 操纵了三种预视类型:一致,句法不合理的助词“的”和假字预视.结果发现, 在不符合句法规则的预视词“的”条件下, 读者跳读的可能性甚至高于一致预视条件下(58%~51%).这一结果说明, 当高频的预视词“的”出现在副中央凹中时, 即使不符合句法规范, 读者仍然会利用副中央凹的信息进行跳读, 验证了Angele和Rayner (2013)的结果.然而, 中文句法能否在副中央凹中进行提取, 还需要更直接的实验证据.

5 研究启示及未来展望

5.1 语义和句法信息对当前理论模型的启示

在自然阅读过程中, 高水平信息能否在副中央凹中得以加工, 是传统眼动控制模型(E-Z读者模型和SWIFT模型)争论的焦点.

正如前文提到的, E-Z读者模型是一种串行模型, 认为词汇加工必须要注意的参与, 而注意像聚光灯一样从一个词汇到下一个词汇进行转移.因此, 低水平信息在副中央凹中的加工可以用E-Z读者模型解释, 但当预视加工为高水平信息, 串行模型很难解释.Schotter等(2014)使用计算机模拟的方式探讨了E-Z读者模型对副中央凹语义信息提取的兼容性.研究者使用的实验材料来自2013年使用同义词探讨语义预视加工的实验(Schotter, 2013).结果发现, 在8%的试次中(trial), 读者可以将副中央凹单词加工到词汇识别的L2阶段(高水平信息加工在此阶段进行).这说明E-Z读者模型在一定程度上支持语义信息在副中央凹中的提取, 但是模型并没有对高水平信息的预视效益给出合理的解释.Schotter和Leinenger (2016)再次验证了词汇识别和眼跳计划的相对关系, 对预视效益提出了一种所谓“强迫注视(forced fixations)”的解释.模型假设, 对词n的熟悉性检验阶段(L1)完成后, 开始制定眼跳计划.在接下来的150 ms同时进行对词n的完全加工(L2)和眼跳计划的执行.如果L2在执行眼跳之前就已经完成, 即使读者仍在注视词n, 但注意已经转移到词n+1上, 开始对词n+1进行L1阶段的加工.如果对词n+1的L1加工完成地足够快, 眼跳计划处于可变阶段(M1), 那么就会取消向词n+1的眼跳计划, 并重新计划眼跳, 这就产生了词跳读现象(跳读了词n+1).Schotter和Leinenger (2016)提出的“强迫注视”, 指的是当对词n+1的L1加工完成地比较慢时, 眼跳计划进入到不可变阶段(M2), 此时已经无法取消向词n+1的眼跳, 同时基于之前在副中央凹对词n+1的加工内容制定新的眼跳计划, 并且在注视n+1的时候执行这一眼跳计划, 这就导致了对词n+1的简短的“强迫注视”.在边界范式中, “强迫注视”是基于对预视词的加工而非目标词, 如果两种预视条件之间加工困难存在差异, 加工速度较快的预视词(加工难度低)引起的强迫注视也表现为一种“预视效益”.但是这一注视时间上的促进作用可能并不是由于目标词和预视词之间的相似性造成的, 而是基于预视词加工的短暂的“强迫注视”造成的.这样看来, E-Z读者模型对于副中央凹预视效益还没有给出一个普遍认可的解释, 对于高水平信息在副中央凹的加工可能性只能以“强迫注视”的观点进行尝试性的回答.未来E-Z读者模型的建构可以从解决这两方面的问题入手.

SWIFT模型是一种并行加工的模型, 认为在知觉广度内的几个单词是一个空间并行分布的激活区域, 读者可以同时对几个单词进行加工, 激活程度从中央凹向两侧逐渐降低.模型假设, 词汇加工过程可以根据单词n激活的不同状态分为两个阶段:第一阶段是从零激活增加到激活程度上限(Ln)的过程, 即对词n预加工阶段, 主要用来加工词汇的一些基本属性, 如词长,首字母等; 第二阶段是从激活上限衰弱到零的过程, 即对词n加工完成阶段(隋雪, 沈彤, 吴琼, 李莹, 2013).在第一阶段某个单词的激活程度越深, 越有可能被选作眼跳目标; 在第二阶段, 由于对这个单词的加工到了末期, 选择其作为眼跳目标的概率就会减少.因此, 如果一个单词较容易加工, 在副中央凹完成对其第一阶段加工的可能性就越大, 甚至达到词汇通达阶段加工该词的语义和句法等高水平的信息.SWIFT模型能较好地解释副中央凹预视效应的存在, 并主张可以获得词n+2的预视效益.然而, SWIFT模型没有把语义和句法这类高水平信息的加工对眼动的影响加入到模型中去, 而是以词频和预测性的影响为基础进行间接的推测(陈庆荣, 邓铸, 2006).未来SWIFT的模型建构可以考虑解释高水平信息在副中央凹中的加工.

另外, 正如前文总结的, 语义信息在不同语言中的加工存在差异, 例如在同样是拼音文字的德文和英文中, 语义预视效益存在明显差异; 在中文这种非拼音文字中语义预视效益又非常稳定.如果语义在不同语言文字当中起作用, 那么在建构模型时应该充分考虑不同语言文字的特性.一个成功的具有普遍适用性的模型不仅要能解释拼音文字阅读中副中央凹高水平信息的加工, 也能灵活地解释中文阅读中高水平信息(语义,句法)预视效益的内在机制.

5.2 未来的研究方向

纵观已有研究, 可以发现无论在拼音文字还是非拼音文字阅读过程中, 读者有很大可能从副中央凹词汇中提取到高水平的信息, 如语义信息和句法信息.未来对于副中央凹预视加工的研究, 一方面应该探讨影响高水平信息在副中央凹提取的因素及其交互作用, 另一方面, 也应该从新的技术入手考察副中央凹的预视加工.具体来说, 未来的研究可以从以下三个方面展开:

第一, 考察影响语义预视效益的因素及其交互作用.多年来对语义信息的副中央凹加工的大量研究可知, 影响语义信息提取的因素有:语义的相关程度(预视词与目标词语义相关程度越高, 预视效益越大),与上下文的合理性,情境的预测性等.这类基础性研究, 已经得出相对一致的结论:在一定程度上, 读者可以从副中央凹提取语义信息.然而, 不同影响因素是否存在交互作用, 共同影响语义信息的预视加工?低水平信息是否会影响高水平的语义信息的提取?被试群体,实验材料的选择是否会影响语义加工的效果?双语者的不同语言机制对语义信息提取是否有差异?这些问题还值得进一步探讨.

第二, 句法信息提取的研究有待进一步加强.相对于英文句法信息在副中央凹中的加工研究来说, 中文句法预视效益的研究还相对有限.未来的研究可以偏向考察中文中句法预视效益的基础性研究, 并且探讨影响句法信息提取的因素及其交互作用.虽然中文的字词没有形态学和时态的变化, 这可能会让中文读者较难切分句法结构, 但是中文书面文本中词间没有空格, 文字排列更加密集, 这为中文读者通过副中央凹提取句法信息提供了可能.

第三, 不同技术的结合使用来探讨语义和句法信息的提取.已知通过眼动技术探讨英文语义信息在副中央凹的提取没有发现稳定的预视效益, 但这并不能说明英文读者无法加工预视词的语义信息, 可能是受到了技术层面的限制.眼动记录法具有较高的时间和空间分辨率(能够精确地记录读者的注视时间和注视位置)和较高的生态效度(在自然阅读过程中施测), 然而注视时间指标只能反映词汇的整体加工过程, 无法揭示每一时刻不同认知加工水平的电生理反应.ERP技术往往能以毫秒为单位连续提供与实时知觉和认知加工相关的脑电变化.Dimigen, Kliegl和Sommer (2012)利用眼动与脑电结合的技术——注视相关电位(Fixation-Related Potentials, FRPs), 探讨了被试从左向右读单词表(word lists)时能否提取副中央凹词汇的语义信息.虽然实验材料并不是正常的句子阅读而是单词表阅读, 并且实验结果也没有发现英文语义预视效益的存在, 但是从时间进程上探讨了语义信息的提取和预视效益的神经机制.未来的研究可以考虑在正常的自然句子阅读过程中使用FRPs技术探讨高水平信息在副中央凹加工的时间进程和内在机制(陈庆荣 等, 2011; Kretzschmar, Schlesewsky & Staub, 2015; Niefind, & Dimigen, 2016).使用眼动和神经成像结合技术, 将是未来探讨副中央凹高水平信息加工的一种有效途径.

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心理科学进展,19(2), 264-273.

URL     [本文引用: 1]

自然语言的产生和理解具有高度的实时性。眼动和ERP技术具有很高的时间分辨率,可以在线测查语言认知加工过程。然而,两种技术手段都各有利弊,可以在一定程度上进行互补,从而为揭示语言加工的特点和机制提供行为和电生理证据。在文献梳理的基础上,详细分析了语言认知中眼动和ERP技术结合的必要性,即注视和加工的耦合程度以及眼睛和大脑的加工速度;准确阐述了眼动和ERP结合的技术路径,即眼动和ERP单独记录、ERP结合眼电分析、眼动和ERP同步记录,比较了不同方法的优缺点;具体介绍了眼动和ERP结合在语言认知研究中的应用。最后,对眼动和ERP结合在未来研究中需解决的问题进行了展望。

胡笑羽, 白学军, 闫国利 . (2010).

副中央凹-中央凹效应的研究现状及展望.

心理科学进展,18(3), 412-419.

URL     [本文引用: 1]

Parafoveal-on-foveal effects occur when lexical properties of word n+1 influence processing on word n during reading. This paper reviewed the researches about parafoveal-on-foveal effects in recent 10 years from following four aspects. Firstly, the parafoveal-on-foveal effects contained concurrent effect, inverted effect and effect. Secondly, the research paradigms involved boundary paradigm, normal sentence reading and word pairs reading. Thirdly, the different assumptions and predictions about the parafoveal-on-foveal effects in reading from two basic eye movement control models, serial model and parallel model, were introduced here. Fourthly, the influential factors parafoveal-on-foveal effects containing lexical characteristics of word n+1, word n and misallocated saccades were interviewed. After analyzing the above factors, the future studies about parafoveal-on-foveal effects should pay more attention to the research paradigm and analyzing methods in details.

刘丽萍, 刘海健, 胡笑羽 . (2006).

Swift-Ⅱ: 阅读中眼跳发生的动力学模型.

心理与行为研究, 4(3), 230-235.

URL     [本文引用: 1]

文章阐述了SWIFT模型的最新进展-SWIFT-Ⅱ模型的基本观点。SWIFT-Ⅱ模型能 够在更为详细的水平上分析模型的模拟结果,也较好地解释了词长和词频效应、注视时间的分布、回视、再注视、初次登陆位置等眼动现象。最后对SWIFT-Ⅱ 模型与E-Z Reader模型进行了比较。

隋雪, 沈彤, 吴琼, 李莹 . (2013).

阅读眼动控制模型的中文研究——串行和并行.

辽宁师范大学学报(社会科学版) 35(5), 672-679.

URL     [本文引用: 1]

阅读的眼动控制理论不断发展,其中有两个眼动控制模型对阅读的影 响最大,分别是代表串行加工模式的E-Z 读者模型和代表并行加工模式的SWIFT模型。总结中文阅读相关的眼动研究,发现了许多中文阅读研究中串行与并行眼动理论模型的研究证据,主要涉及中文阅 读的知觉广度、副中央凹-中央凹效应、副中央凹的预视效应等几个方面的内容。未来中文阅读研究中需要注意的问题是:(1)词频不光有语义特性,也存在字形 上的特性,因此词频不适合成为研究语义加工阶段的自变量;(2)研究中字形、字号的平衡十分重要;(3)位于中央凹左侧的词也可以作为研究对象;(4)应 更加注重中文阅读模型的完善与建立。

王春茂, 彭聃龄 . (1999).

合成词加工中的词频,词素频率及语义透明度.

心理学报,31(3), 266-273.

[本文引用: 1]

闫国利, 王丽红, 巫金根, 白学军 . (2011).

不同年级学生阅读知觉广度及预视效益的眼动研究.

心理学报,43(3), 249-263.

URL     [本文引用: 1]

本研究以小学五年级学生和大学生为被试,采用眼动技术,从阅读知觉广度和副中央凹预视效益相结合的角度考察读者在阅读过程中一次注视获得信息的情况。实验一采用呈现随眼动变化技术探讨了不同年级学生一次注视获取信息的范围,即阅读知觉广度。实验二采用边界范式进一步考察不同年级学生在知觉广度范围内,副中央凹预视获取信息的类型。研究发现,大学生读者知觉广度范围较大,能够在副中央凹预视中获取字形和语音的信息,而小学生读者的知觉广度范围较小,在副中央凹预视中仅能获取字形的信息。上述结果表明,不同年级学生在注视时,获取信息的范围及在副中央凹预视时获取信息的类型上均存在一定差异。

Abbott M.J., & Staub A. (2015).

The effect of plausibility on eye movements in reading: Testing E-Z reader's null predictions.

Journal of Memory and Language, 85, 76-87.

URL     [本文引用: 1]

The E-Z Reader 10 model of eye movements in reading (Reichle, Warren, & McConnell, 2009) posits that the process of word identification strictly precedes the process of integration of a word into its syntactic and semantic context. The present study reports a single large-scale (N=112) eyetracking experiment in which the frequency and plausibility of a target word in each sentence were factorially manipulated. The results were consistent with E-Z Reader’s central predictions: frequency but not plausibility influenced the probability that the word was skipped over by the eyes rather than directly fixated, and the two variables had additive, not interactive, effects on all reading time measures. Evidence in favor of null effects and null interactions was obtained by computing Bayes factors, using the default priors and sampling methods for ANOVA models implemented by Rouder, Morey, Speckman, and Province (2012). The results suggest that though a word’s plausibility may have a measurable influence as early as the first fixation duration on the target word, in fact plausibility may be influencing only a post-lexical processing stage, rather than lexical identification itself.

Angele B., & Rayner K. (2013).

Processing the in the parafovea: Are articles skipped automatically?

Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition, 39(2), 649-662.

URL     PMID:22799285      [本文引用: 2]

One of the words that readers of English skip most often is the definite article the. Most accounts of reading assume that in order for a reader to skip a word, it must have received some lexical processing. The definite article is skipped so regularly, however, that the oculomotor system might have learned to skip the letter string t-h-e automatically. We tested whether skipping of articles in English is sensitive to context information or whether it is truly automatic in the sense that any occurrence of the letter string the will trigger a skip. This was done using the gaze-contingent boundary paradigm (Rayner, 1975) to provide readers with false parafoveal previews of the article the. All experimental sentences contained a short target verb, the preview of which could be correct (i.e., identical to the actual subsequent word in the sentence; e. g., ace), a nonword (tda), or an infelicitous article preview (the). Our results indicated that readers tended to skip the infelicitous the previews frequently, suggesting that, in many cases, they seemed to be unable to detect the syntactic anomaly in the preview and based their skipping decision solely on the orthographic properties of the article. However, there was some evidence that readers sometimes detected the anomaly, as they also showed increased skipping of the pretarget word in the the preview condition.

Angele B., Laishley A. E., Rayner K., & Liversedge S. P . (2014).

The effect of high- and low-frequency previews and sentential fit on word skipping during reading.

Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition, 40(4), 1181-1203.

URL     PMID:4100595     

In a previous gaze-contingent boundary experiment, Angele and Rayner (2013) found that readers are likely to skip a word that appears to be the definite article <xh:i xmlns:search="http://marklogic.com/appservices/search" xmlns="http://apa.org/pimain" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xmlns:xh="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">the even when syntactic constraints do not allow for articles to occur in that position. In the present study, we investigated whether the word frequency of the preview of a 3-letter target word influences a reader decision to fixate or skip that word. We found that the word frequency rather than the felicitousness (syntactic fit) of the preview affected how often the upcoming word was skipped. These results indicate that visual information about the upcoming word trumps information from the sentence context when it comes to making a skipping decision. Skipping parafoveal instances of <xh:i xmlns:search="http://marklogic.com/appservices/search" xmlns="http://apa.org/pimain" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xmlns:xh="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">the therefore may simply be an extreme case of skipping high-frequency words. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2014 APA, all rights reserved)

Braze D., Shankweiler D., Ni W., & Palumbo L. C . (2002).

Readers’ eye movements distinguish anomalies of form and content.

Journal of Psycholinguistic Research, 31(1), 25-44.

[本文引用: 2]

Brothers T., &Traxler M.J . (2016).

Anticipating syntax during reading: Evidence from the boundary change paradigm.

Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition, 42(12), 1894-1906.

URL     PMID:27123753      [本文引用: 1]

Previous evidence suggests that grammatical constraints have a rapid influence during language comprehension, particularly at the level of word categories (noun, verb, preposition). These findings are in conflict with a recent study from Angele, Laishley, Rayner, and Liversedge (2014), in which sentential fit had no early influence on word skipping rates during reading. In the present study, we used a gaze-contingent boundary change paradigm to manipulate the syntactic congruity of an upcoming noun or verb outside of participants' awareness. Across 3 experiments (total N = 148), we observed higher skipping rates for syntactically valid previews ("The admiral would not confess" . . .), when compared with violation previews ("The admiral would not surgeon" . . .). Readers were less likely to skip an ungrammatical continuation, even when that word was repeated within the same sentence ("The admiral would not admiral" . . .), suggesting that word-class

Dimigen O., Kliegl R., & Sommer W . (2012).

Trans- saccadic parafoveal preview benefits in fluent reading: A study with fixation-related brain potentials.

NeuroImage, 62(1), 381-393.

URL     PMID:22521255      Magsci    

78 We aligned the EEG to eye fixations during saccadic reading. 78 Parafoveal preview for the next word was manipulated with the Boundary Technique. 78 Correct previews altered occipitotemporal brain responses after a word was fixated. 78 But no evidence that readers retrieve semantic information from parafoveal words. 78 Gaze-contingent manipulations and EEG can be combined to study extrafoveal vision.

Hohenstein S., & Kliegl R. (2013).

Semantic preview benefit during reading.

Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition, 40(1), 166-190.

URL     PMID:23895448      [本文引用: 1]

Word features in parafoveal influence eye movements during reading. The question of whether readers extract semantic information from parafoveal words was studied in 3 experiments by using a gaze-contingent display change technique. Subjects read German sentences containing 1 of several preview words that were replaced by a target word during the saccade to the preview (boundary paradigm). In the 1st experiment the preview word was semantically related or unrelated to the target. Fixation durations on the target were shorter for semantically related than unrelated previews, consistent with a semantic preview benefit. In the 2nd experiment, half the sentences were presented following the rules of German spelling (i.e., previews and targets were printed with an initial capital letter), and the other half were presented completely in lowercase. A semantic preview benefit was obtained under both conditions. In the 3rd experiment, we introduced 2 further preview conditions, an identical word and a pronounceable nonword, while also manipulating the text contrast. Whereas the contrast had negligible effects, fixation durations on the target were reliably different for all 4 types of preview. Semantic preview benefits were greater for pretarget fixations closer to the boundary (large preview space) and, although not as consistently, for long pretarget fixation durations (long preview time). The results constrain theoretical proposals about eye movement control in reading. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2013 APA, all rights reserved).

Hohenstein S., & Kliegl R. (2013).

Semantic preview benefit during reading.

Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition, 40(1), 166-190.

URL     PMID:23895448     

Word features in parafoveal influence eye movements during reading. The question of whether readers extract semantic information from parafoveal words was studied in 3 experiments by using a gaze-contingent display change technique. Subjects read German sentences containing 1 of several preview words that were replaced by a target word during the saccade to the preview (boundary paradigm). In the 1st experiment the preview word was semantically related or unrelated to the target. Fixation durations on the target were shorter for semantically related than unrelated previews, consistent with a semantic preview benefit. In the 2nd experiment, half the sentences were presented following the rules of German spelling (i.e., previews and targets were printed with an initial capital letter), and the other half were presented completely in lowercase. A semantic preview benefit was obtained under both conditions. In the 3rd experiment, we introduced 2 further preview conditions, an identical word and a pronounceable nonword, while also manipulating the text contrast. Whereas the contrast had negligible effects, fixation durations on the target were reliably different for all 4 types of preview. Semantic preview benefits were greater for pretarget fixations closer to the boundary (large preview space) and, although not as consistently, for long pretarget fixation durations (long preview time). The results constrain theoretical proposals about eye movement control in reading. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2013 APA, all rights reserved).

Jr Clifton C., Ferreira F., Henderson J. M., Inhoff A. W., Liversedge S. P., Reichle E. D., & Schotter E. R . (2016).

Eye movements in reading and information processing: Keithrayner’s 40 year legacy.

Journal of Memory and Language, 86, 1-19.

[本文引用: 1]

Kretzschmar F., Schlesewsky M., & Staub A . (2015).

Dissociating word frequency and predictability effects in reading: Evidence from coregistration of eye movements and EEG.

Journal of Experimental Psychology Learning Memory and Cognition, 41(6), 1648-1662.

URL     PMID:26010829      [本文引用: 1]

Two very reliable influences on eye fixation durations in reading are word frequency, as measured by corpus counts, and word predictability, as measured by cloze norming. Several studies have reported strictly additive effects of these 2 variables. Predictability also reliably influences the amplitude of the N400 component in event-related potential studies. However, previous research suggests that while frequency affects the N400 in single-word tasks, it may have little or no effect on the N400 when a word is presented with a preceding sentence context. The present study assessed this apparent dissociation between the results from the 2 methods using a coregistration paradigm in which the frequency and predictability of a target word were manipulated while readers' eye movements and electroencephalograms were simultaneously recorded. We replicated the pattern of significant, and additive, effects of the 2 manipulations on eye fixation durations. We also replicated the predictability effect on the N400, time-locked to the onset of the reader's first fixation on the target word. However, there was no indication of a frequency effect in the electroencephalogram record. We suggest that this pattern has implications both for the interpretation of the N400 and for the interpretation of frequency and predictability effects in language comprehension.

Matsuki K., Chow T., Hare M., Elman J. L., Scheepers C., & Mcrae K . (2011).

Event-based plausibility immediately influences on-line language comprehension.

Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition, 37(4), 913-934.

URL     PMID:3130834      [本文引用: 1]

In some theories of sentence comprehension, linguistically relevant lexical knowledge, such as selectional restrictions, is privileged in terms of the time-course of its access and influence. We examined whether event knowledge computed by combining multiple concepts can rapidly influence language understanding even in the absence of selectional restriction violations. Specifically, we investigated whether instruments can combine with actions to influence comprehension of ensuing patients of (as in Rayner, Warren, Juhuasz, & Liversedge, 2004; Warren & McConnell, 2007). Instrument-verb-patient triplets were created in a norming study designed to tap directly into event knowledge. In self-paced reading (Experiment 1), participants were faster to read patient nouns, such as hair, when they were typical of the instrument-action pair (Donna used the shampoo to wash vs. the hose to wash). Experiment 2 showed that these results were not due to direct instrument-patient relations. Experiment 3 replicated Experiment 1 using eyetracking, with effects of event typicality observed in first fixation and gaze durations on the patient noun. This research demonstrates that conceptual event-based expectations are computed and used rapidly and dynamically during on-line language comprehension. We discuss relationships among plausibility and predictability, as well as their implications. We conclude that selectional restrictions may be best considered as event-based conceptual knowledge rather than lexical-grammatical knowledge.

McElree B., & Griffith T. (1995).

Syntactic and thematic processing in sentence comprehension: Evidence for a temporal dissociation.

Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition, 21(1), 134-157.

URL     [本文引用: 1]

Examines the time courses for processing constituent structure relations, subcategorization restrictions and thematic role relations during sentence comprehension. Reaction time and speed-accuracy trade-off variants of a grammatically judgement task; Delay of thematic role processing; Suggestion of a model of sentence compreshension.

Niefind F., & Dimigen O. (2016).

Dissociating parafoveal preview benefit and parafovea-on-fovea effects during reading: A combined eye tracking and EEG study.

Psychophysiology, 53(12), 1784-1798.

URL     PMID:27680711      [本文引用: 1]

Abstract During reading, the parafoveal processing of an upcoming word n +1 can influence word recognition in two ways: It can affect fixation behavior during the preceding fixation on word n (parafovea-on-fovea effect, POF), and it can facilitate subsequent foveal processing once word n +1 is fixated (preview benefit). While preview benefits are established, evidence for POF effects is mixed. Recently, it has been suggested that POF effects exist, but have a delayed impact on saccade planning and thus coincide with preview benefits measured on word n +1. We combined eye movement and EEG recordings to investigate and separate neural correlates of POF and preview benefit effects. Participants read lists of nouns either in a boundary paradigm or the RSVP-with-flankers paradigm, while we recorded fixation- or event-related potentials (FRPs/ERPs), respectively. The validity and lexical frequency of the word shown as preview for the upcoming word n +1 were orthogonally manipulated. Analyses focused on the first fixation on word n +1. Preview validity (correct vs. incorrect preview) strongly modulated fixation times and electrophysiological N1 amplitudes, replicating previous findings. Importantly, gaze durations and FRPs measured on word n +1 were also affected by the frequency of the word shown as preview, with low-frequency previews eliciting a sustained, N400-like centroparietal negativity. Results support the idea that POF effects exist but affect word recognition with a delay. Lastly, once word n +1 was fixated, its frequency also modulated N1 amplitudes in ERPs and FRPs. Taken together, we separated immediate and delayed effects of parafoveal processing on brain correlates of word recognition.

Rayner K. . (1975).

The perceptual span and peripheral cues in reading.

Cognitive Psychology, 7(1), 65-81.

URL     [本文引用: 1]

Skilled readers read passages that were displayed on a Cathode Ray Tube controlled by a computer. The readers' eye movements were monitored and certain critical words were changed by the computer as the eye was in motion. The experimental technique utilized in the study provided data on how wide the area is from which a reader acquires information during a fixation in silent reading. The results also delineate different types of visual information that are acquired from various areas within the perceptual span. It was found that a reader was able to make a semantic interpretation of a word that began 1–6 character spaces from his fixation point. When he fixated 7–12 character spaces prior to a word, he was able to pick up such gross visual characteristics as word shape and initial and final letters. It was concluded that the skilled reader is able to take advantage of information in the periphery. However, the size of the area from which he does is rather small.

Rayner K. . (2009).

The Thirty Fifth Sir Frederick Bartlett Lecture: Eye movements and attention during reading, scene perception, and visual search.

Quarterly Journal of Experimental Psychology, 62(8), 1457-1506.

[本文引用: 1]

Rayner K., Balota D. A., & Pollatsek A . (1986).

Against parafoveal semantic preprocessing during eye fixations in reading.

Canadian Journal of Psychology, 40(4), 473-483.

URL     PMID:3502884      [本文引用: 1]

ABSTRACT Subjects' eye movements were recorded as they read sentences, and a display change occurred before they fixated on a critical target word (song). In the target word location one of four alternative previews was initially present: the target word itself, a word that was semantically related to the target (tune), a word that was unrelated to the target (door), or a nonword that was visually similar to the target (sorp). When the reader's eye movement crossed over an invisible boundary location, the initially displayed preview was replaced by the target word. If automatic semantic preprocessing of parafoveal words occurs in reading, the presence of a semantically related word should facilitate processing of the target word relative to the unrelated word. While the visually similar preview facilitated processing almost as much as the target itself, there was no difference between the semantically related preview and the unrelated preview, even though the semantically related words used in the study produced strong facilitation effects in a standard priming experiment. The results of the study are thus inconsistent with a model in which words in parafoveal vision are semantically preprocessed. It was concluded that the meanings of unidentified parafoveal words do not modulate our reading performance.

Rayner K., &Schotter E.R . (2014).

Semantic preview benefit in reading English: The effect of initial letter capitalization.

Journal of Experimental Psychology Human Perception and Performance, 40(4), 1617-1628.

URL     PMID:24820439     

A major controversy in reading research is whether semantic information is obtained from the word to the right of the currently fixated word (word n + 1). Although most evidence has been negative in English, semantic preview benefit has been observed for readers of Chinese and German. In the present experiment, we investigated whether the discrepancy between English and German may be attributable to a difference in visual properties of the orthography: the first letter of a noun is always capitalized in German, but is only occasionally capitalized in English. This visually salient property may draw greater attention to the word during parafoveal preview and thus increase preview benefit generally (and lead to a greater opportunity for semantic preview benefit). We used English target nouns that can either be capitalized (e.g., We went to the critically acclaimed Ballet of Paris while on vacation.) or not (e.g., We went to the critically acclaimed ballet that was showing in Paris.) and manipulated the capitalization of the preview accordingly, to determine whether capitalization modulates preview benefit in English. The gaze-contingent boundary paradigm was used with identical, semantically related, and unrelated previews. Consistent with our hypothesis, we found numerically larger preview benefits when the preview/target was capitalized than when it was lowercase. Crucially, semantic preview benefit was not observed when the preview/target word was not capitalized, but was observed when the preview/target word was capitalized.

Rayner K., Schotter E. R., & Drieghe D . (2014).

Lack of semantic parafoveal preview benefit in reading revisited.

Psychonomic Bulletin & Review, 21(4), 1067-1072.

URL     PMID:24496738      [本文引用: 2]

In contrast to earlier research, evidence for semantic preview benefit in reading has been reported by Hohenstein and Kliegl ( Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition, 40, 166–190, 2013 ) in an alphabetic writing system; they also implied that prior demonstrations of lack of a semantic preview benefit needed to be reexamined. In the present article, we report a rather direct replication of an experiment reported by Rayner, Balota, and Pollatsek ( Canadian Journal of Psychology, 40, 473–483, 1986 ). Using the gaze-contingent boundary paradigm , subjects read sentences that contained a target word ( razor ), but different preview words were initially presented in the sentence. The preview was identical to the target word (i.e., razor ), semantically related to the target word (i.e., blade ), semantically unrelated to the target word (i.e., sweet ), or a visually similar nonword (i.e., razar ). When the reader’s eyes crossed an invisible boundary location just to the left of the target word location, the preview changed to the target word. Like Rayner et al. ( Canadian Journal of Psychology, 40, 473–483, 1986 ), we found that fixations on the target word were significantly shorter in the identical condition than in the unrelated condition, which did not differ from the semantically related condition; when an orthographically similar preview had been initially present in the sentence, fixations were shorter than when a semantically unrelated preview had been present. Thus, the present experiment replicates the earlier data reported by Rayner et al. ( Canadian Journal of Psychology, 40, 473–483, 1986 ), indicating evidence for an orthographic preview benefit but a lack of semantic preview benefit in reading English.

Reichle E. D. (2011). Serial-attention models of reading. In S. P. Liversedge, I. D. Gilchrist, & S. Everling (Eds.), Oxford library of psychology. The Oxford handbook on eye movements (pp. 767-786). New York, Oxford: Oxford University Press.

[本文引用: 2]

Schotter E.R . (2013).

Synonyms provide semantic preview benefit in English.

Journal of Memory and Language, 69(4), 619-633.

URL     PMID:24347813      [本文引用: 3]

While orthographic and phonological preview benefits in reading are uncontroversial (see Schotter, Angele, & Rayner, 2012 for a review), researchers have debated the existence of semantic preview benefit with positive evidence in Chinese and German, but no support in English. Two experiments, using the gaze-contingent boundary paradigm (Rayner, 1975), show that semantic preview benefit can be observed in English when the preview and target are synonyms (share the same or highly similar meaning, e.g., curlers-rollers). However, no semantic preview benefit was observed for semantic associates (e.g., curlers-styling). These different preview conditions represent different degrees to which the meaning of the sentence changes when the preview is replaced by the target. When this continuous variable (determined by a norming procedure) was used as the predictor in the analyses, there was a significant relationship between it and all reading time measures, suggesting that similarity in meaning between what is accessed parafoveally and what is processed foveally may be an important influence on the presence of semantic preview benefit. Why synonyms provide semantic preview benefit in reading English is discussed in relation to (1) previous failures to find semantic preview benefit in English and (2) the fact that semantic preview benefit is observed in other languages even for non-synonymous words. Semantic preview benefit is argued to depend on several factors ttentional resources, depth of orthography, and degree of similarity between preview and target.

Schotter E.R., & Jia A. (2016).

Semantic and plausibility preview benefit effects in English: Evidence from eye movements.

Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition, 42(12), 1839-1866.

URL     PMID:27123754      [本文引用: 1]

Abstract Theories of preview benefit in reading hinge on integration across saccades and the idea that preview benefit is greater the more similar the preview and target are. Schotter (2013) reported preview benefit from a synonymous preview, but it is unclear whether this effect occurs because of similarity between the preview and target (i.e., integration), or because of contextual fit of the preview-synonyms satisfy both accounts. Studies in Chinese have found evidence for preview benefit for words that are unrelated to the target, but are contextually plausible (Yang, Li, Wang, Slattery, & Rayner, 2014; Yang, Wang, Tong, & Rayner, 2012), which is incompatible with an integration account but supports a contextual fit account. Here, we used plausible and implausible unrelated previews in addition to plausible synonym, antonym, and identical previews to further investigate these accounts for readers of English. Early reading measures were shorter for all plausible preview conditions compared to the implausible preview condition. In later reading measures, a benefit for the plausible unrelated preview condition was not observed. In a second experiment, we asked questions that probed whether the reader encoded the preview or target. Readers were more likely to report the preview when they had skipped the word and not regressed to it, and when the preview was plausible. Thus, under certain circumstances, the preview word is processed to a high level of representation (i.e., semantic plausibility) regardless of its relationship to the target, but its influence on reading is relatively short-lived, being replaced by the target word, when fixated. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2016 APA, all rights reserved).

Schotter E. R., Lee M., Reiderman M., & Rayner K . (2015).

The effect of contextual constraint on parafoveal processing in reading.

Journal of Memory and Language, 83, 118-139.

URL     PMID:4525713     

Semantic preview benefit in reading is an elusive and controversial effect because empirical studies do not always (but sometimes) find evidence for it. Its presence seems to depend on (at least) the language being read, visual properties of the text (e.g., initial letter capitalization), the type of relationship between preview and target, and as shown here, semantic constraint generated by the prior sentence context. Schotter (2013) reported semantic preview benefit for synonyms, but not semantic associates when the preview/target was embedded in a neutral sentence context. In Experiment 1, we embedded those same previews/targets into constrained sentence contexts and in Experiment 2 we replicated the effects reported by Schotter (2013; in neutral sentence contexts) and Experiment 1 (in constrained contexts) in a within-subjects design. In both experiments, we found an early (i.e., first-pass) apparent preview benefit for semantically associated previews in constrained contexts that went away in late measures (e.g., total time). These data suggest that sentence constraint (at least as manipulated in the current study) does not operate by making a single word form expected, but rather generates expectations about what kinds of words are likely to appear. Furthermore, these data are compatible with the assumption of the E-Z Reader model that early oculomotor decisions reflect edged bets that a word will be identifiable and, when wrong, lead the system to identify the wrong word, triggering regressions.

Schotter E.R., & Leinenger M. (2016).

Reversed preview benefit effects: Forced fixations emphasize the importance of parafoveal vision for efficient reading.

Journal of Experimental Psychology Human Perception and Performance, 42(12), 2039-2067.

URL     PMID:27732044     

Abstract Current theories of eye movement control in reading posit that processing of an upcoming parafoveal preview word is used to facilitate processing of that word once it is fixated (i.e., a foveal target word). This preview benefit is demonstrated by shorter fixation durations in the case of valid (i.e., identical or linguistically similar) compared to invalid (i.e., dissimilar) preview conditions. However, we suggest that processing of the preview can directly influence fixation behavior on the target, independent of similarity between them. In Experiment 1, unrelated high and low frequency words were used as orthogonally crossed previews and targets and we observed a reversed preview benefit for low frequency targets horter fixation durations with an invalid, higher frequency preview compared to a valid, low frequency preview. In Experiment 2, the target words were replaced with orthographically legal and illegal nonwords and we found a similar effect of preview frequency on fixation durations on the targets, as well as a bimodal distribution in the illegal nonword target conditions with a denser early peak for high than low frequency previews. In Experiment 3, nonwords were used as previews for high and low frequency targets, replicating standard findings that enied preview increases fixation durations and the influence of target properties. These effects can be explained by forced fixations, cases in which fixations on the target were shortened as a consequence of the timing of word recognition of the preview relative to the time course of saccade programming to that word from the prior one. That is, the preview word was (at least partially) recognized so that it should have been skipped, but the word could not be skipped because the saccade to that word was in a non-labile stage. In these cases, the system pre-initiates the subsequent saccade off the upcoming word to the following word and the intervening fixation is short.

Schotter E. R., Reichle E. D., & Rayner K . (2014).

Rethinking parafoveal processing in reading: Serial-attention models can account for semantic preview benefit and

N+2 preview effects. Visual Cognition, 22(3-4), 309-333.

[本文引用: 1]

Snell J., Meeter M., & Grainger J . (2017).

Evidence for simultaneous syntactic processing of multiple words during reading.

Plos One, 12(3), e0173720.

URL     PMID:5344498      [本文引用: 1]

A hotly debated issue in reading research concerns the extent to which readers process parafoveal words, and how parafoveal information might influence foveal word recognition. We investigated syntactic word processing both in sentence reading and in reading isolated foveal words when these were flanked by parafoveal words. In Experiment 1 we found a syntactic parafoveal preview benefit in sentence reading, meaning that fixation durations on target words were decreased when there was a syntactically congruent preview word at the target location (n) during the fixation on the pre-target (n-1). In Experiment 2 we used a flanker paradigm in which participants had to classify foveal target words as either noun or verb, when those targets were flanked by syntactically congruent or incongruent words (stimulus on-time 170 ms). Lower response times and error rates in the congruent condition suggested that higher-order (syntactic) information can be integrated across foveal and parafoveal words. Although higher-order parafoveal-on-foveal effects have been elusive in sentence reading, results from our flanker paradigm show that the reading system can extract higher-order information from multiple words in a single glance. We propose a model of reading to account for the present findings.

Veldre A., & Andrews S. (2018).

Beyond cloze probability: Parafoveal processing of semantic and syntactic information during reading.

Journal of Memory and Language, 100, 1-17.

URL     [本文引用: 1]

Theories of eye movement control in reading assume that early oculomotor decisions are determined by a word frequency and cloze probability. This assumption is challenged by evidence that readers are sensitive to the contextual plausibility of an upcoming word: First-pass fixation probability and duration are reduced when the parafoveal preview is a plausible, but unpredictable, word relative to an implausible word. The present study sought to establish whether the source of this effect is sensitivity to violations of syntactic acceptability. In two experiments, the gaze-contingent boundary paradigm was used to compare contextually plausible previews to semantically acceptable and anomalous previews that either matched or violated syntactic rules. Results showed that readers benefited from the convergence of semantic and syntactic acceptability early enough in the timecourse of reading to affect skipping. In addition, both semantic and syntactic plausibility yielded preview effects on target fixation duration measures, providing direct evidence of parafoveal syntactic processing in reading. These results highlight the limitations of relying solely on cloze probability to index contextual influences on early lexical processing. The implications of the data for models of eye movement control and language comprehension are discussed.

Wang S., Chen H-C., Yang J., & Mo L . (2008).

Immediacy of integration in discourse comprehension: Evidence from Chinese readers’ eye movements.

Language and Cognitive Processes, 23(2), 241-257.

[本文引用: 1]

White S. J., Rayner K., & Liversedge S. P . (2005).

Eye movements and the modulation of parafoveal processing by foveal processing difficulty: A reexamination.

Psychonomic Bulletin & Review, 12(5), 891-896.

URL     PMID:16524007      [本文引用: 1]

Henderson and Ferreira (1990) found that foveal load (manipulated via word frequency) modulates parafoveal processing, thereby affecting the amount of preview benefit obtained from the word to the right of fixation. The present experiment used the eye-contingent boundary paradigm and, consistent with Henderson and Ferreira, showed that foveal load modulated preview benefit for participants who were not aware of the display changes during reading. Also, for these participants, foveal load modulated preview benefit regardless of fixation durations on the foveal word. For participants who were aware of the display change, preview benefits occurred regardless of foveal processing difficulty. These results have important implications for understanding the way in which foveal load influences parafoveal processing during reading.

Yan M., Richter E. M., Shu H., & Kliegl R . (2009).

Readers of Chinese extract semantic information from parafoveal words.

Psychonomic Bulletin & Review, 16(3), 561-566.

URL     PMID:19451385      [本文引用: 1]

Evidence for semantic preview benefit (PB) from parafoveal words has been elusive for reading alphabetic scripts such as English. Here we report semantic PB for noncompound characters in Chinese reading with the boundary paradigm. In addition, PBs for orthographic relatedness and, as a numeric trend, for phonological relatedness were obtained. Results are in agreement with other research suggesting that the Chinese writing system is based on a closer association between graphic form and meaning than is alphabetic script. We discuss implications for notions of serial attention shifts and parallel distributed processing of words during reading.

Yan M., Zhou W., Shu H., & Kliegl R . (2012).

Lexical and sublexical semantic preview benefits in Chinese reading.

Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition, 38(4), 1069-1075.

URL     PMID:22369254      [本文引用: 1]

Semantic processing from parafoveal words is an elusive phenomenon in alphabetic languages, but it has been demonstrated only for a restricted set of noncompound Chinese characters. Using the...

Yang J., Wang S., Tong X., & Rayner K . (2012).

Semantic and plausibility effects on preview benefit during eye fixations in Chinese reading.

Reading and Writing, 25(5), 1031-1052.

URL     PMID:3337412      Magsci     [本文引用: 2]

The boundary paradigm (Rayner,1975) was used to examine whether high level information affects preview benefit during Chinese reading. In two experiments, readers read sentences with a 1-character target word while their eye movements were monitored. InExperiment 1, the semantic relatedness between the target word and the preview word was manipulated so that there were semantically related and unrelated preview words, both of which were not plausible in the sentence context. No significant differences between these two preview conditions were found, indicating no effect of semantic preview. InExperiment 2, we further examined semantic preview effects with plausible preview words. There were four types of previews:identical, related & plausible, unrelated & plausible,andunrelated & implausible. The results revealed a significant effect of plausibility as single fixation and gaze duration on the target region were shorter in the two plausible conditions than in the implausible condition. Moreover, there was some evidence for a semantic preview benefit as single fixation duration on the target region was shorter in therelated & plausiblecondition than theunrelated & plausiblecondition. Implications of these results for processing of high level information during Chinese reading are discussed.

Zang C., Zhang M., Bai X., Yan G., Angele B., & Liversedge S. P . (2018).

Skipping of the very-high-frequency structural particle de, in Chinese reading.

Quarterly Journal of Experimental Psychology, 71(1), 152-160.

URL     PMID:27998212     

Abstract English readers do not fixate every word: during their first pass through a sentence they skip a third of the words (Rayner, 1998, 2009). How do readers decide whether to skip or fixate a word? Angele and Rayner (2013) showed that English readers base skipping decisions on the parafoveal information available, but not the sentential context. Due to the increased visual density of the language, Chinese readers may be able to process a parafoveal word and integrate it with the sentence context to a greater extent than English readers. Consequently, influences on skipping decisions in Chinese may differ from those in English. In a boundary paradigm (Rayner, 1975) experiment, participants read sentences containing a single-character target verb (e.g., meaning get) whose preview was manipulated in three conditions: identity preview; a preview consisting of the syntactically anomalous high frequency structural particle de (), or a pseudocharacter preview. The results showed that Chinese readers were more likely to skip the target when the preview was de than in either of the other conditions, suggesting that de-skipping is triggered by the parafoveal preview of a highly frequent particle word rather than on the likelihood of the upcoming word given the sentential context. The present study shows that this phenomenon is observable across languages and writing systems with different degrees of visual density.

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